Verfügbarkeit: Ot migracija kăm mobilnost | Technische Universität München

Ot migracija kăm mobilnost: politiki i pătišta

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
Beteilige Person:	Krăsteva, Anna 20./21. Jh (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Bulgarisch
Veröffentlicht:	Sofija Nov Bălgarski Univ. 2014
Schriftenreihe:	Poredica Novi graždani, novi mobilizacii, novi politiki
Schlagwörter:	Migration Migrationspolitik Mobilität Europa Bulgarien
Links:	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027889767&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027889767&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
Beschreibung:	In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. und franz. Sprache
Umfang:	683 S. graph. Darst.
ISBN:	9789545358371

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Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_	1819320364635783168
adam_text	СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ УВОД .......:.................................................................................................................15 Първа част КАК МИСЛИМ МИГРАЦИЯТА - МИГРАЦИОННИ ТЕОРИИ / 25 ПЪРВА ГЛАВА. ПОНЯТИЯ - ИЗОБИЛЕН РЕЧНИК, ФЛУИДНИ КОНЦЕПТИ ..........................27 Миграция - от бинарни опозиции до изобретяването на мигранта .....27 Мобилност - свобода и/или мобилитарна идеология ................................39 Граници - от обезграничаването до конструиране на ред, чуждост, идентичности .....................................................................................................50 От методологически национализъм към методологически космополитизъм .................................................................................................68 ВТОРА ГЛАВА. ТЕОРИИ - КАК СЕ РАЗВИВАТ И КАК (НЕ) ТРЯБВА ДА СЕ РАЗВИВАТ МИГРАЦИОННИТЕ КОНЦЕПЦИИ .........................................................................72 Теоретичният модел: миграцията в четириполюсната координатна система на пост-Вестфалската държава, опитомената глобализация, глобалния град и пулсиращия пазар ...........................................................94 Пазарът .....................................................................................................................96 Икономическите теории: теоретичното самочувствие на Бръснача на Окам ....................................................................................96 Неокласическа икономическа теория: международно разпределение на трудовите пазари ...................102 Теория на човешкия капитал: мигрантът като рационален актьор, максимизиращ миграцията, пресмятайки цени и ползи ......................................................................................................108 Новата икономика на миграцията: диверсификация на риска чрез международна мобилност ..........................................................112 Теория на двойния пазар на труда: от индивидите към структурните потребности на икономиката ..................................116 Икономическите теории в сравнителна перспектива .....................118 Градът .....................................................................................................................124 Чикагската школа: градът като експериментална лаборатория на миграцията ..............................................................127 8/ Отвореният град - лидерство и интернационализация ..................132 Държавата ..............................................................................................................138 Космополитната държава: от автономия, основана на националното изключване, към суверенитет, основан на транснационалното включване .........................................................139 Глобализацията ....................................................................................................145 Транснационализмът като трансформация .......................................146 Теория за системата-свят - свърхпроизводство на периферии .....162 Теория на мрежите: миграционната мрежа като социален капитал .....................................................................................................167 Заключение - миграционните изследвания в демистифицираща и критична роля ................................................................................................175 Втора част КАК СЕ РАЗГРЪЩА МИГРАЦИЯТА - МИГРАЦИОННИЯТ ФЕНОМЕН / 179 ТРЕТА ГЛАВА. ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯТ МИГРАЦИОНЕН ФЕНОМЕН ................................................181 Митът: Европа като обетована земя ................................................................181 История ..................................................................................................................182 Предмодерност ...........................................................................................182 Одисеи и одисеи ....................................................................................184 Викингите - пиратите от заливите ....................................................184 Арабо-мюсюлманската експанзия .....................................................186 Пътят на коприната ..............................................................................187 Търговията на роби ...............................................................................190 Обобщение - миксът от реални и конструирани форми на миграция ..............................................................................................194 Миграция и национална държава ........................................................198 Миграция и индустриализация .............................................................201 Европа - глобалният износител на миграция ....................................206 Европа - глобалният вносител на миграция ......................................212 Темпоралности .....................................................................................................215 История, темпоралност, миграция .......................................................215 Съвременният миграционен феномен ..........................................................218 Световната миграционна система .........................................................219 Тенденции .............................................................................................................222 От стрели към спагети ..............................................................................222 Опитомената глобализация ..................................................................224 Политизация или обвинената миграция ..........................................229 /9 Феминизация - автономизация на женското мигрантско Аз ........230 Нови миграции ....................................................................................................234 Екологични миграции: (не)съвпадение между география на причините и географията на последствията ............................234 Фигурите на мигранта .......................................................................................244 Малолетният: малкият мигрант с големите проблеми.................... 245 Нерегулярният: създаденият от секуритизацията ............................252 Еврозвездата: фаворитът .........................................................................259 Мобилният студент: гражданинът на Европа ....................................274 Поклонникът: омагьосаният от пътя и сакралността ......................283 Пенсионерът: най-свободният мигрант ..............................................288 Homo viator: реален и въображаем....................................................... 291 Фигурите: между референтите и опита ..............................................306 Предизвикателства.............................................................................................. 307 Демография: неразрешимата дилема.................................................. 307 Кризата: нов международен миграционен ред или ренационализация на миграционните политики ........................313 Дигиталната диаспора: транснационалната е-гражданственост .................................................................................318 Заключение. Европа като мобилност и идентичност ................................320 ЧЕТВЪРТА ГЛАВА. БАЛКАНСКИЯТ МИГРАЦИОНЕН ФЕНОМЕН ..................................................323 Студената война: поляризация на миграционните профили .................324 Балканите: дългото (пре)откриване на трудовата миграция ...................327 Периодизация (1990-2013+)..............................................................................327 Първи период (от 1989 до средата на 90-те години). Два противоположни миграционни модела ..................................327 Втори период (от Дейтънското споразумение през 1995 г. до средата на първото десетилетие на XXI в.). Постконфликтни миграции. Европеизация и миграция ..............................................330 Трети период (от средата на първото десетилетие - 2004, до началото на икономическата криза - 2008-9). Трудовата миграция - the main game in town ................................331 Четвърти период (2008/9 - ). Криза и миграция ...............................332 Типология на балканските миграции ............................................................333 Нетрудови ....................................................................................................333 Трудови ........................................................................................................333 Завръщане................................................................................................... 334 Типове миграция и миграционни периоди .......................................344 10/ Национални миграционни модели ................................................................345 Постконфликтен модел (Босна и Херцеговина) ................................345 All inclusive (Албания) ...........................................................................346 Нов емиграционен шампион : Румъния ............................................348 Имиграционен: Словения .......................................................................349 Тенденции: от извънредни към нормални миграционни потоци .........351 Заключение. Да търсиш работа, не убежище ..............................................352 ПЕТА ГЛАВА. БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ МИГРАЦИОНЕН ФЕНОМЕН ....................................................354 От идеологизацията до глобализацията ........................................................356 От спасение дебне отвсякъде до чужденеца ...................................356 От Освобождението до Втората световна война - етнически и малцинствени миграции .....................................................................358 Комунистическата миграционна политика като биополитика ..............362 Посткомунистическото начало - навлизане в радикален край: край на историята и край на географията ...........................................376 Да бъдеш българин/ка в чужбина - българският емиграционен феномен ..................377 От изгубения по пътищата до обречения на успех ..........................378 Миграцията в бяло: най-политическата и най-символната .....................383 Мобилните лекари ..............................................................................................392 Фигури на лекарската мобилност ...................................................................395 Мобилни с миграционен проект ...........................................................395 Мобилни без миграционен проект .......................................................396 Second life ................................................................................................... 399 Новите европейци .....................................................................................400 Мобилни българи ................................................................................................403 Втори шанс ..................................................................................................403 Немобилните мигранти ...........................................................................405 Мобилните немигранти ...........................................................................407 Завръщащите се .........................................................................................408 Глобалните ..................................................................................................415 Транснационал ните ..................................................................................418 Дигиталните ...............................................................................................422 От exit до voice ..................................................................................................424 Да бъдеш чужденеи/ка в България - българският имиграционен феномен ...............429 Протестантът на посткомунистическата икономика: да бъдеш китаец в България ..................................................................................441 /и От дядо Иван до руската снаха : да бъдеш руснак в България... 452 Нашият съсед - сравнителен портрет .............................................461 Посткомунистическият миграционен модел като постсредиземноморски: политика, темпоралност, логика ...................475 Трета част КАК УПРАВЛЯВАМЕ МИГРАЦИЯТА - МИГРАЦИОННА ПОЛИТИКА / 479 ШЕСТА ГЛАВА. МИГРАЦИОННА ПОЛИТИКА ................................................................................481 Четвърто поколение миграционни изследвания ........................................482 Дихотомията контрол - интеграция ..............................................................487 Защо миграционните политики системно се провалят? ...........................491 Либерална ли е либералната миграционна политика? ............................493 Детерминанти и/или актьори .........................................................................496 Оценяването: триизмерност и тристепенна темпоралност ......................505 Заключение, или отговорността на миграционната политика за утвърждаване на миграцията като позитивен феномен и ресурс за развитие .........................................................................................................508 СЕДМА ГЛАВА. ЕВРОПЕЙСКА МИГРАЦИОННА ПОЛИТИКА ..................................................509 Как да се контролират мобилните - имиграционна политика ................................513 Две хипотези .........................................................................................................513 Загубеният контрол ................................................................................513 Европа като изход ....................................................................................513 Институционализация: еластичност на институционалната структура ...........................................................................................................514 Периодизация .......................................................................................................520 Първи етап. От Римския договор до Шенген - минимално междуправителствено сътрудничество (1957-1985)......................526 Римският договор (1957) - четирите свободи като фундамент на ЕС ......................................................................................................526 Регламент 1612 от 1968 г. на Съвета (15.10.68) - поврат в политиката на свободното движение на работници ................528 Програма за действие в подкрепа на работниците мигранти и техните семейства (1974) - за първи път въпросът за мигрантите от трети страни ...........................................................529 12/ Резолюция за общностей подход към гражданите на трети страни (9.02.76) - консултации без обвързващ правен характер .........529 Насоки на общностна политика по миграция (1.03.85) - първо обвързване на миграционна политика и общността ...............530 Втори етап. От Шенген до Дъблин - експериментиране на нови форми на сътрудничество от малки групи страни пионери (1985-1990)................................................................................................531 Шенгенско споразумение между Белгия, Германия, Франция, Люксембург, Нидерландия - повече свобода навътре, повече контрол навън .....................................................................532 Единният европейски акт (1987) - първа сериозна ревизия на Римския договор ................................................................................534 Дъблин 1. Дъблинската конвенция (15 юни 1990) - начало на хармонизация на бежанската политика .....................................535 Трети етап. От Маастрих до Амстердам - включване на миграционната политика в общностната рамка в третия стълб на междуправителствено сътрудничество (1993-1997)................539 Четвърти етап. Пост-Амстердам - комунитаризация, но не супранационализация (1997 - )..........................................................543 Договорът от Амстердам (1997): от трети към първи стълб ........543 Европейският съвет в Тампере (1999): от стратегическата визия на Амстердам към очертаване на конкретни политики .........546 Дъблин 2 (2003) - хуманитарна клауза, но невинаги хуманитарна практика .....................................................................548 Хагската програма (4-6.11.2004) - Брюкселска симетрия на 10 приоритета за 5 години ...............................................................551 Фронтекс (2005) - продукт или катализатор на секурити- зацията ..................................................................................................553 Зелен доклад за европейски подход към управление на икономическата миграция (11.01.2005) - от постоянна към временна и циркулярна миграция ...............................................556 Лисабонският договор (13.12.2007) - нормализация на европейската политика на миграция и убежище .....................557 Европейски пакт за миграция и убежище (24.09.2008) - миграционна триада и интеграционна дилема ........................560 Стокхолмската програма (2010-2014) - трудният баланс на свобода, правосъдие, сигурност .....................................................563 Заключение. Европейската миграционна политика - повече комунитаризирана, отколкото демократизирана ...................................565 /13 Как да се интегрират у седналите - интеграционна политика ................................567 Политики и идентичности ................................................................................567 Три модела интеграционна политика .................................................570 Асимилацията - предложена или наложена ..................................570 Мултикултурализмът - политика на присъствие и признание ............................................................................................573 Гражданските траектории - интеграцията като отговорност на имигранта ............................................................................................573 От акултурация до участие - пъстра палитра от интеграционни стратегии и политики ...........................................................................574 Европейската интеграционна политика - скромни амбиции и soft law................................................................................................................ 578 Детска перспектива: най-уязвимите - бежанците и търсещите убежище ...............................................................579 Джендър перспектива: жени, имиграция, ислям, (не)сигурност ..............................................594 Заключение: от интеграция, следваща имиграцията, към интеграцията като условие за имиграцията .............................................616 ОСМА ГЛАВА. БЪЛГАРСКА МИГРАЦИОННА ПОЛИТИКА ......................................................618 Първа стратегия (2008-2015) - закъсняла и етницизирана .......................619 Втора стратегия (2011-2020) - преждевременна и секуритизирана ......622 Замразена стратегия (2013-2014) - от умерен към радикален дисконтинуитет ...............................................................................................628 Институционализация - диверсифицирана, но некоординирана ........629 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ. МОБИЛНИ ГРАЖДАНИ И РИГИДНИ ПОЛИТИКИ .......633 БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ .........................................................................................................639 Резюме ....................................................................................................................671 Summary .................................................................................................................676 Resumé.................................................................................................................... 680 676/ SUMMARY Migration planeť (Cl. Blandin), „21st century - century of the people in movement (Guteres), „the age of migration (St. Castles and M. Miller) - numerous are the metaphors that express the way we think the 21st century in the terms of mobility. The migration globalisation unfolds through longue durée, but it is in the present that international migrations resonate in their political effect and social density. The most crucial of the changes is the new position of migration amongst the strategic national and global priorities. From one of the public policies among others, migration policy ambitiously takes over a central position and establishes itself as top priority of politics, policies, and international relations. The book s ambition is to analyse the migration three-dimensionally: How we think migration - migration theories; How migration unfolds - migration phenomenon; How we manage migration - migration policy, with each question constituting one of the three parts of the book. The first part analyses the con¬ ceptualisation of migration through the dual prism of abundant vocabulary and fluid concepts and reflects on how migration conceptions have developed and how they should (not) develop. The migration phenomenon is articu¬ lated in the second part in three forms: European, Balkan, Bulgarian. The latter is also presented in its two-dimensionality: To be Bulgarian abroad - the Bulgarian emigration phenomenon; To be a foreigner in Bulgaria - the Bulgarian immigration phenomenon. The subject of analysis in the third part is how we manage the migration through two policies - migrational and intergrational - with a focus on the communitarization of the European migration policy and the institutionalization of the Bulgarian migration policy. The study develops an original theoretical model, positioning migration in а four-pole coordinate system of the post-Westphalian state, the tamed globali¬ sation, the global city and the pulsing market. This coordinate system is the theoretical frame for mapping migration theories, migration policies, as well as the post-communist migration phenomenon with its logic of re/de/ter- ritorialisation with alternating legitimacy. The study is inspired by the methodological pragmatism of the Chica¬ go School with the ultimate diversification of methods - today letters are replaced by social networks and blogs, and combined with more than 200 in-depth interviews and more than ten years of field-work. „I could draw a geographical map with migration of sadness. Some places are sad in one century, others - in another century. Only a great writer such as George Gospodinov could link with such subtlety and depth spatiality, temporality, existentiality. This wonderful quote introduces the heart of the author s ap- SUMMARY / 677 proach: politics and poetics as a dual prism, through which notions, policies, roads are analysed. The art and craft of the analysis of policies is Zincone and Caponio s successful formula for incorporating various research tech¬ niques and methodologies, which are productive to the specific study goal. Precisely this approach inspires the fusion of life stories with policy analy¬ sis of legal and political documents; discourse analysis of political language with conceptual history of the becoming of those concepts and the forma¬ tion of conceptual clusters; diachronic analysis of the migration policy, as well as the migration phenomenon with a synchronie analysis of the Euro¬ pean, Balkan, and Bulgarian migration phenomenon; sociological analysis of /sadness(es)/, perceptions, images with participant observation of the immi¬ grant communities and intercultural relations; sociological analysis of iden¬ tity re/de/ constructions with political analysis of the formation of a new transnational contestatory and digital citizenship. The results of the study can be summarised in seven findings. The first is the transition from migration to mobility. It relativizes the validity of reduc¬ tionist schemes of neoclassical migration theory, which put an accent on the income difference and undervalue symbolsic, professional and existential dimensions. From migration to mobility reflects the post-communist expe¬ rience of the transition from settling in the receiving country to settling in mobility . The empirical study of both Bulgarians in migration and immi¬ grants in Bulgaria shows that the migration project does not aim at quick crystallization, but prefers the duration, which transforms into reflexivity and optimization. The classical immigration is not forgotten, nor rejected, but new forms are experimented that make reference more to mobility than to migration. Migration and mobility are not antipodes, but different modal¬ ities, with a growing diversification and intensification of the interferences between them. This theoretical perspective allows to overcome the concep¬ tualisation in the terms of migration, and to open a wider theoretical field, which is more open and more adequate to explain more fluid roads, as well as for the understanding of the knotting of mobility - return - another depar¬ ture, of the transnationalisation of practices, the individualisation of uses of mobility in professional and existential projects. The second finding refers to the dilemma flux or fluidity, structure or ac¬ tors. Two theoretical clusters compete for the explanation of post-communist migrations. The first focuses on the power of push and the attractiveness of pull. The current study contributes to the development of the second. Its conceptual centre is the migrant as an actor. In the powerful determined influence of migration systems and migrations waves, how the migrant manages to establish oneself as an actor through self -reflexivity, project and initiative, is a key theoretical challenge. The theoretical preferences of the 678 / SUMMARY author are reflexive and critical: I do not unconditionally share A. Tourain s optimism for the triumphant actor, able to change all, nor do I share the di¬ agnosis for the death of the subject in marxism and structuralism, in which a person s sovereignty understood as reason, based on knowledge, truth, meaning, starts to fade in the process of his historization, contextualisation, parcelization. Without following the strategic analysis of Michel Crosier, I take into account his argument for the weight of the system and the necessity to balance between the individual activity and the collective determinants. I do not stand unconditionally by P. Bourdieu, though I share his inquiry into the factors and reasons that motivate actors to act in one way or another. Neither the actor, nor the system, are all. How the actors think, define, realise their migration projects in systems, which ever more lead them in the oppo¬ site direction of restricting and hindering mobility, is the theoretical centre of the book. The third group of conclusions are linked to the transition from arrows to spaghetti (G. Herzlich) and the cosmopolitisation of biographies (L. Rouleau- Berger). The arrow represents the classic understanding of migration and with its clear, solid, categorical and predictable form visualises the great nar¬ rative of this theoretical paradigm. The spaghetti relativize the strong hierar¬ chy between centre and periphery, between departure and settling, implicit for arrows. They illustrate the more individualised and diversified migrant trajectories, the transnationalisation of migration practices. The forth group of results are connected to the divergence between poli¬ cies ana paths, between the increasingly more rigid European and national migration policies and increasingly more mobile citizens. Policies, which are in discrepancy with the professional and existential projects of an ever grow¬ ing number of citizens, suffer a heavy democratic deficit. The migration is predominantly for work, yet the political discourse situates it ever more and more dramatically not in terms of the labour market, but in terms of security. Security is increasingly becoming a goal in itself, knotting causal circles, in which the danger and threats - with migration presented as one of their fac¬ es - are constructed by the security policies in order to justify the increasing weight of the security policies themselves. The ideas of human security re¬ main marginal intellectual and militant counterargument. When politicians start thinking of human security, it is mostly in an ornamental way, in or¬ der to add human rights and other politically correct garments to ever more securitised discourses. Making anti-immigrant and security discourses into significant electoral capital is the most dynamic dimension of the politisation of migration, categorically proven in the populist wave of 2014. The fifth group of findings reflect the theorisation of the post-communist migration model. It confirms the political interpretation that leading genera- SUMMARY / 679 tors of migration currents are not the poorest countries, but the countries go¬ ing through fast and radical political and social change. The post-communist migration model differs significantly from the classical emigration model, from classical immigration model, and from the Mediterranean model. Med¬ iterranean countries transition from emigration to immigration late; post- communist countries discover emigration and immigration simultaneously. Though incomparable to emigration in quantity, immigration in Bulgaria is an extremely interesting and innovative phenomenon. The immigrant in both the classical, and the Mediterranean model fits into the conception of dual labour market and takes over the unattractive for local citizens positions; the immigrant in Bulgaria has a different profile - he is self-employed, has small to medium business. He either works in companies owned by nationals of his country of origin or other immigrants, or himself creates workplaces - for immigrants, as well as Bulgarians. Few immigrants work in Bulgarian firms, more Bulgarians work in immigrant firms. The crisis hit particularly hard the immigrant business, focused predominantly in the petit trade and restaurant niche, yet did not change drastically its profile. The immigrant in Bulgaria is entrepreneurial and active, the integration in the labour market interferes positively with linguistic, cultural, and social integration. This positive im¬ age of the immigrant illustrates the central thesis of the book on migration as a resource and empowerment. This inversed positive profile is the diferen¬ ţia specifica of the Bulgarian post-communist immigration. The book is one of the first attempts of its theorizing and mapping. Public policies are still in deficit in terms of understanding this specificity. The focus on security forms the image of immigration, which immigration policy creates, and impedes the formulation of adequate integration policies. The sixth group of findings are related to the dynamic deterritorialization - reterritorialization. Migration is the most intense story for territory. The ex- porť of life plans, professional strategies, and personal projects, deterritori- alizes the state. The desire to link professional project and affective energy through immigration, return, circular migration, transnationalism, reterrito- rializes it, increases its significance. Post-communist Bulgaria is in the whirl¬ pool of the re/de/ territorializing dynamics. The seventh group of conclusions are connected to the emergence of a new digital diaspora and transnational contestatory citizenship. Traditionally, the diaspora is thought in terms of language and culture and its relations with the homeland are weaved in two central institutions - family and state. The social networks and the protests are the demiurge of a new, digital diaspora, whose connections are constructed from a transborder, active, and engaged, citizenship. The solidarity is no longer with the state, but with the citizens against irresponsible and corrupt elites in the name of a strategic and respon¬ sible statehood. 680/ RESUMÉ „Planète migratoire (Cl. Blandin), „XXI s. - siècle des peuples en mou¬ vement (Guteres), „ľage de la migration (St. Castles and M. Miller) - les métaphores qui nous permettent de penser le XXI s. en termes de mobilité sont abondantes. La mondialisation migratoire se déploie dans la durée, mais c est notamment dans la contemporanéité que les migrations interna¬ tionales résonnent si politiquement. La transformation cruciale concerne l importance de la migration parmi les priorités stratégiques nationales et internationales. D une des politiques publiques parmi d autres, la politique migratoire acquiert une position centrale et s affirme comme top priorité de la politique, des politiques publiques, et des relations internationales. L ambition de l ouvrage et d analyser la migration dans une triple pers¬ pective: Comment penser la migration - théories migratoires; Comment se déploie la migration - phénomène migratoire; Comment gérer la migration - politique mi¬ gratoire, chacune examinée dans une des trois parties du livre. La premiè¬ re analyse la conceptualisation de la migration dans le double prisme de vocabulaire abondant et concepts fluides et réfléchit sur comment (ne) se développent (pas) et comment doivent se développer les théories de la mi¬ gration. Le phénomène migratoire est articulé dans la seconde partie en trois formes: européenne, balkanique, bulgare. La troisième est examinée dans sa bidimensionnalité: Etre Bulgare à l étranger - le phénomène bulgare d émigra¬ tion; Etre étranger en Bulgarie - le phénomène bulgare d immigration. Comment gérer la migration par les deux politiques - de migration et d intégration - est l objet de la troisième partie concentrée sur la communautarisation de la politique migratoire européenne et l institutionnalisation de la politique migratoire bulgare. L étude développe un modèle théorique original qui examine la migra¬ tion dans le système de coordonnées quadripolaire de l Etat post-Westpha- lien, de la mondialisation apprivoisée, de la ville globale et du marché pui¬ sant. Ce système de coordonnées est le cadre théorique pour cartographier les théories et les politiques migratoires, ainsi que le phénomène postcom¬ muniste migratoire avec sa logique de reterritorialisation à légitimité chan¬ geante. L étude s inspire du pragmatisme méthodologique de l Ecole de Chica¬ go avec la diversification des méthodes - les lettres aujourd hui sont rempla¬ cées par les réseaux sociaux et les blogs, complétées par plus de deux cents entretiens approfondis et plus de dix ans de terrain. «Je peux dessiner la carte géographique des chagrins. Certains lieux sont tristes pendant un siè¬ cle, d autres - pendant un autre.» Il n y a qu une grande plume comme celle RESUMÉ /681 de Gueorgui Gospodinov qui peut lier si finement et perspicacement espace, temporalité, sens existentiel. Cette citation fait entrer dans le noyau de l ap¬ proche de l auteur: politique et poétique comme le prisme bidimensionnel à travers lequel sont pensés les concepts, les politiques, les parcours. «L art et le métier de l analyse des politiques» est l heureuse formule de Zincone et Caponio pour l utilisation des techniques de recherche et des méthodologies qui sont productives pour les objectifs concrets de l étude. Cette approche inspire le mix dans le présent ouvrage de récits de vie avec une analyse poli- tologique de documents juridiques et politiques, analyse du discours politi¬ que avec l histoire conceptuelle des concepts et de la formation des clusters conceptuels, ľanalyse diachronique de la politique migratoire et du phéno¬ mène migratoire avec l analyse synchronique des phénomènes européen, balkanique, bulgare; l étude sociologique des tristesses , représentations, images avec l observation participante des communautés et des relations interculturelles; l analyse sociologique des re/de/constuctions identitai¬ res avec l analyse politologique de la formation d une nouvelle citoyenneté transnationale, digitale et contestataire. Les résultats de l étude pourraient être résumés en sept conclusions. La première concerne la transition de la migration à la mobilité post-communiste. Elle relativise la validité des schémas réductionnistes de la théorie néoclas¬ sique avec l accent sur la différence des revenus qui sous-estime les dimen¬ sions symboliques, professionnels, existentielles. De la migration à la mobi¬ lité exprime les expériences postcommunistes de ľinstallation dans le pays de destination vers l installation dans la mobilité . L étude empirique des Bulgares en émigration, ainsi que les immigrés en Bulgarie démontre que le projet migratoire ne cherche pas à se cristalliser rapidement et préfère sou¬ vent la durée qu il transforme en reflexivitě et optimisation. La migration classique n est ni oubliée, ni rejetée, mais on expérimente de plus en plus de nouvelles formes qui renvoient plus à la mobilité qu à la migration. Mobilité et migration ne sont pas des antipodes dans les pratiques est-européennes, mais des modalités différentes dont les interférences ne font que se diversi¬ fier et intensifier. La nouvelle perspective théorique permet d aller au-delà de la conceptualisation en termes de migration pour ouvrir un espace théo¬ rique plus ouvert et plus adéquat à l explication des parcours plus fluides, ainsi qu à la compréhension de l enchaînement mobilité - retour - nouveau départ, de la transnationalisation des pratiques, de l individualisation des usages de Іа mobilité dans des projets professionnels et existentiels postcom- munistes. La seconde conclusion concerne le dilemme flux ou fluidité, structure ou acteurs. Deux clusters théoriques concourent à l explication des migrations postcommunistes. Le premier est concentré sur la force des push et l attrac- tivité des pull. La présente étude contribue au développement du second 682/ RESUMÉ cluster d explications. Son centre conceptuel est le migrant comme acteur. Comment face au puissant déterminisme des systèmes et vagues migratoires le migrant arrive à se constituer comme acteur mobilisant autoréflexivité, projet, activités, est un défi analytique majeur. Les préférences théoriques de l auteur sont réflexifs et critiques: je ne partage ni l optimisme de l acteur triomphant d A. Touraine, capable de tout changer, ni le diagnostic de la mort du sujet du marxisme et du structuralisme où sa souveraineté comme raison fondée sur la connaissance, la vérité et le sens commence à s effacer dans les processus de son historisation, contextualisation, parcellisation. Je ne m inscris pas dans 1 analyse stratégique de M. Crosier, mais je suis sen¬ sible à son argument des pesanteurs du système et de la nécessité d équilibre entre activité individuelle et déterminismes collectifs. Je ne mets pas incon¬ ditionnellement du coté de Bourdieu, mais je partage son questionnement sur les facteurs et les raisons qui orientent les acteurs à agir d une ou d une autre manière. Ni l acteur, ni le système ne font tout. Comment les acteurs postcommunistes conçoivent, définissent, réalisent leurs projets migratoires dans des systèmes qui sont de plus en plus orientés dans la direction oppo¬ sée, est le centre théorique de l ouvrage. Le troisième groupe de résultats sont liées au passage des flèches au spa¬ ghettis (G. Herzlich) et à la cosmopolitisation des biographies (L. Rouleau-Berger) postcommunistes. La flèche illustre la conception classique de la migration et avec sa forme claire, solide, catégorique visualise la grande narration de ce paradigme théorique. Les spaghettis relativisent la hiérarchisation entre centre et périphérie, départ et installation, implicite aux flèches. Ils illustrent les parcours de plus en plus individualisés et diversifiés. Le quatrième groupe de résultats est lié à l écartement entre politiques et parcours, entre les politiques migratoires européenne et nationales de plus en plus rigides et les citoyens de plus en plus mobiles. La migration est priori¬ tairement de travail, le discours politique la construit de plus en plus dra¬ matiquement en termes non pas de marché de travail, mais de sécurité. La sécurité s affirme comme une fin en soi et se ferme dans une logique circu¬ laire dans laquelle les dangers et les menaces - la migration en étant une - sont construites par les politiques de sécurité pour légitimer l importance croissante des politiques de sécurité. Les idées de sécurité humaine ne res¬ tent que contrepoint intellectuel et militant. Quand les responsables politi¬ ques parlent de sécurité humaine, c est surtout dans un sens décoratif pour ajouter droits de la personne et autres ornements politiquement corrects aux discours de plus en plus sécurisés. La transformation des discours anti im¬ migrés et sécuritaires en capital électoral est la dimension la plus dynamique de la politisation de la migration comme illustre la vague populiste de 2014. Le cinquième groupe de conclusions sont liées à la théorisation du mo¬ dèle migratoire postcommuniste. Il confirme l interprétation poliţiste que les Bayerische Staatsbibliothek ι München f RESUMÉ /683 générateurs principaux de vagues migratoires ne sont pas les pays les plus pauvres, mais les pays en changement politique et social radical. Le modèle migratoire postcommuniste se distingue de manière significative à la fois du modèle classique d émigration, du modèle classique d immigration, ainsi que du modèle méditerranéen. Les pays européens méditerranéens passent tardivement de l émigration à l immigration, les pays postcommunistes dé¬ couvrent à la fois l émigration et l immigration. L émigration l emporte en¬ core largement, mais l immigration en Bulgarie est un phénomène intéres¬ sant et innovant. L immigré des modèles classique et méditerranéen s inscrit dans la conception néoclassique et du double marché de travail ; l immigré en Bulgarie a un profil différent: il est travaileur indépendant ou gère son business petit ou moyen. Il travaille dans la compagnie de co-nationaux ou d autres immigrés. Il a relativement peu d immigrés qui travaillent dans des compagnies bulgares; il y a plus de Bulgares qui travaillent dans les compa¬ gnies d immigrés. La crise a lourdement touché le business migrant concen¬ tré dans les niches du commerce et de la restauration, mais n a changé ra¬ dicalement son profil. L immigré en Bulgarie reste actif et entrepreneurial ; l intégration dans le marché de travail interfère positivement avec l intégra¬ tion linguistique, sociale et culturelle. Limage positive de l immigré illustre la thèse de l ouvrage de la migration comme ressource et empowerment. Ce profil positivement renversé est diferenţia specifica de l immigration post- communiste bulgare. L ouvrage est une des premières tentatives de sa théo- risation. Les politiques publiques restent encore déficitaires par rapport à la compréhension de cette spécificité. L accent sur la sécurité déforme l image de l immigration que la politique migratoire se crée et empêche la formula¬ tion de politiques adéquates d intégration. Le sixième groupe de conclusions est liée à la dynamique déterritoriali- sation - reterritorialisation. La migration est le récit le plus dense du terri¬ toire. L exportation de projets de vie, stratégies professionnelles et projets personnels déterritorialisent l Etat. La décision de lier projet professionnel et énergie affective par l immigration, le retour, la migration circulaire, le transnationalisme, la reterritorialisent, font augmenter son statut symboli¬ que. La Bulgarie postcommunisme est dans le vortex des dynamiques re/ de/ territorialisation. Le septième groupe de résultats renvoie à l émergence d une nouvelle diaspora digitale et d une citoyenneté transnationale contestataire. On pense tradi¬ tionnellement la diaspora en termes de langue et culture et ses liens avec la patrie sont tissés par deux institutions centrales - la famille et l Etat. Les ré¬ seaux sociaux et les mobilisations citoyennes sont les demiurges d une nou¬ velle diaspora digitale dont la solidarité n est plus avec ľEtat, mais avec les citoyens contre les élites inefficaces et corrompus et dont les liens dont tissés par une citoyenneté transnationale active et engagée.
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spellingShingle	Krăsteva, Anna 20./21. Jh Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta Migration (DE-588)4120730-0 gnd Migrationspolitik (DE-588)4123761-4 gnd Mobilität (DE-588)4039785-3 gnd
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title	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta
title_auth	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta
title_exact_search	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta
title_full	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta Anna Krăsteva
title_fullStr	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta Anna Krăsteva
title_full_unstemmed	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost politiki i pătišta Anna Krăsteva
title_short	Ot migracija kăm mobilnost
title_sort	ot migracija kam mobilnost politiki i patista
title_sub	politiki i pătišta
topic	Migration (DE-588)4120730-0 gnd Migrationspolitik (DE-588)4123761-4 gnd Mobilität (DE-588)4039785-3 gnd
topic_facet	Migration Migrationspolitik Mobilität Europa Bulgarien
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027889767&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027889767&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT krastevaanna otmigracijakammobilnostpolitikiipatista

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