Amica Sponsa Mater: bible v čase reformace
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Tschechisch Deutsch |
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Praha
Kalich
2014
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| Ausgabe: | 1. vyd. |
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| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027761844&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027761844&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Umfang: | 345 Seiten Illustrationen, Notenbeispiele |
| ISBN: | 9788070172131 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819384603831435264 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | OBSAH
Arnica Sponsa Mater ..............................................7
Milada Homolkovä
Prology ve staroceskem pfekladu cästi postily Mikuläse Lyry ve vztahu k prologüm ve staroceskych biblich ................................9
Katerina Volekovä
Postilla litteralis Mikuläse Lyry ve Vykladu krumlovskem..........24
Marketa Pytlikovä
Soudobe vykladove pomücky uzivane pfi prvnim ceskem pfekladu bible a jejich vztah k propriälnim vysvetlivkäm.........................33
Dusan Coufal
Glosovany vyklad Zalmü Konräda ze Soltau a pocätky ceske reformace . 45 Jana Nechutovä
Biblicke argumenty v Husove polemice Contra occultum adversarium . . 85 Pavel Kolär
Imitatio Kristovych utrpeni jako znameni pfichodu soudu Kristova.
K funkci vybranych novozäkonnich textü o pronäsledoväni, ütisku a utrpeni v listech Jana Husa.....................................94
Pavel Soukup
Jak mohou zvestovat, nejsou-li posläni?“ Autorita a autorizace
kazatele u Husa a jeho soucasnikü...............................109
Pavlina Cermanovä
Jakoubek ze Stfibra a tradice apokalyptickych proroctvi a jejich
vykladu v husitstvi .............................................122
Jindfich Marek
Vaclav Koranda ml. a mediälni Strategie obrany utrakvismu: autorita bible ...........................................................143
Jaroslav Havrlant
Katolici pfi vydäväni ceskych biblickych textü v dobe reformace.
Poznämky ke konfesni pfislusnosti Benese Optäta, Jana Vartovskeho z Varty, Tomäse Resla a Jana Stranenskeho .......................154
Martin Rothkegel
Das Verständnis der Heiligen Schrift bei den Täufern in Mähren .... 177
Ota Halama
Obhajoba biblického kânonu v druhé generaci Jednoty bratrské .... 226 Eliska Bat ovÂ
Tisk Blahoslavovÿch Evanjelii v kontextu bratrské liturgie a sakrâlni rétoriky.......................................................241
Tabita Landovâ
Prâce s Pismem pri tvorbë kâzâni podle Blahoslavova spisu
Vady kazatelü .................................................261
Robert Dittmann
K jazyku Bible kralické. Moravismy a zâsady Jana Blahoslava....273
Jiri Just
Bibli svatâ 1613. Posledni realizované predbëlohorské vydâni
Bible kralické ve svëtle novÿch zprâv .........................282
Lucie Dolezalovâ
Pfevyprâvëni bible v pozdnë stredovëkÿch Cechâch a u Jana Amose Komenského.....................................................305
The Summaries .................................................324
Seznam autorû..................................................345
Summaries
Prologues in an Old Czech Translation of Part of a Postil by Nicholas of Lyra in Relation to Prologues in Old Czech Bibles
Milada Homolkova
This paper focuses on a rare manuscript from the beginning of the fifteenth century whose content is an Old Czech translation of part of a work by Nicholas of Lyra entitled Postilla litteralis super totam Bibliam. That manuscript consists of a translation of an exposition of the Gospel of Matthew and of two prologues to that Gospel These include a prologue entitled Matthaeus ex Iudaea and one called Matthaeus cum primo praedicasset. The inclusion of prologues attributed to Jerome before the individual books of the Old and New Testaments is typical of Bibles classified among the second and third editions of the Old Czech translation. However, the prologues are not in all of the Old Czech Bibles that have been preserved, and insofar as they were already incorporated into a manuscript, they are represented here in a select way.
The first prologue that is the subject of explication in Lyra’s Postilla is one of the prologues that was most frequently included in Old Czech Bibles; the second prologue is found much less often. A complete listing of the occurrence of these prologues in Old Czech Bibles is not yet available. In his Postilla, Lyra breaks the text up into sections, which he quotes in sequence and subsequently explicates. Only a few passages from the second prologue are cited in the Postilla (table I). In contrast, in the exposition of the first prologue, the entire text is presented in this sequential manner. Consequently, it is possible to reconstruct nearly the entire Old Czech text of the prologue on the basis of these individual segments and to compare that with the translation of the prologue that Old Czech Bibles put forth (table II). Characteristic specificities of the Old Czech translation of Lyra’s work are presented by means of seven textual excerpts, and the variability of the text of the given prologue that was incorporated into Old Czech Bibles is simultaneously delineated (table III).
It follows from this comparison that the translation of Lyra’s text and the translation of the prologues in the Bible are independent of one another. However, alongside the distinctive lexical and syntactical differences, there are some partial and total congruencies between the two Old Czech writings (table IV). The Old Czech translation of Lyra’s Postilla - and of the biblical
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prologues - is a topic to which it will be necessary to devote deeper attention in the context of investigating the reception and transmission of the biblical text during the Hussite period.
Nicholas of Lyra s Postilla litteralis in the Krumlov Anthology
Katerina Volekova
The Krumlov Anthology is also one of the medieval Latin-Czech Bible dictionaries [mamotrekt] that focus on elucidating the Latin biblical text and the translation of obscure or problematic words and phrases into Old Czech. It constitutes a relic from the Hussite era that is preserved in a single copy from the second half of the 1450s. The manuscript comes from the Minorite monastery in Cesky Krumlov and currently is stored at the National Library of the Czech Republic in Prague in the collection related to the Minorites of Cesky Krumlov in a deposit having the call number Rkp. 249 [manuscript 249]. The Krumlov Anthology is a compilation of a Latin Bible dictionary entitled Mammotrectus by Jan Marchesini from the beginning of the fourteenth century and other medieval resources, such as Comestor’s Historia scholastics a Latin dictionary with German and Czech notes entitled Lucianus from the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; and one of the most important medieval Latin exegetical manuals called Postilla litteralis, which the French theologian and exegete Nicholas of Lyra wrote in the 1420s.
Lyra s Postilla litteralis was embraced in the Czech setting not long after its emergence. The translators of the first complete rendering of the Bible into Old Czech, which dates from the middle of the fourteenth century, and a Cistercian monk from Zbraslav, who was the author of a fictional Latin dialogue entitled Malogranatum from the same time, worked with it. In his explication of the biblical text, Lyra starts from the medieval conception of four methods of interpreting meaning, and in the Postilla litteralis, he focuses on disclosing the direct and precise sense of the text.
The author of the Krumlov Anthology especially made use of Lyra s explanations of lexical meanings and forms and his explications of the context and everyday realities of the time in a commentary on the Books of the Maccabees, which contain an increased number of details about everyday life in ancient times. Concerning the First Book of the Maccabees on which this contribution is focused, forty-two designated quotations from Lyra’s Postilla litteralis are used. These supplement the narrowly focused Latin Mam-motretus, both with regard to the broader cultural and historical context
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and in relation to explanations of other unfamiliar and difficult words and phrases.
Exegetical Aids Used in the First Czech Translation of the Bible and their Relationship to Explanatory Notes concerning Proper Nouns
Marketa Pytlikova
This paper deals with a potential model or models for the explanatory notes which the translators of the oldest Czech rendering of the Bible (circa 1356) inserted at places that they considered to be difficult for readers of their time to understand. Its author takes up a study from 1964 by Sante Graciotti, who identified Nicholas of Lyra’s Postilla litteralis as the primary model for these explanatory notes, before going on to recent research concerning explanatory notes related to appellatives - which generally confirm Graciotto’s conclusions. The article concentrates on examining a sample of thirteen explanatory notes from the books of 1 and 2 Kings that clarify to whom or what the Hebrew personal and place names in the text refer. Graciotti identifies these thirteen explanatory notes concerning proper nouns as glosses for which he did not find a model in exegetical aids used in fourteenth-century Bibles; therefore, he concludes that these explanatory notes must have been added directly by the translator of the Old Czech Bible.
The author of this paper compared these explanatory notes with three exegetical aids that the translators of the Old Czech Bible should or could have had at their disposal: a commentary entitled Glossa ordinaria (which originated at the end of the eleventh century); Postilla litteralis by Nicholas of Lyra (circa 1330), and a work by Jerome entitled De situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum liber (circa 380). This comparison revealed that it is possible to find a model for ten of the thirteen explanatory notes in one or even several of the exegetical manuals. However, the investigation failed to find a model for three of the explanatory notes. Thus, it is possible that inspired by the context of a given passage, a translator of the Old Czech Bible actually did insert those glosses.
Examining this sample of glosses has shown that in most cases, explanatory notes related to proper nouns - much like comments having to do with appellatives - are likely to have a model in some of the exegetical aids of the time, especially in the Postilla litteralis and the commentary entitled Glossa ordinaria. However, it would be advisable to verify this hypothesis by investigating a substantially larger sample of texts.
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An Annotated Commentary on the Psalms by Konrad of Soltau and the Birth of the Bohemian Reformation
Dusan Coufal
The starting point of this paper consists of previously unnoticed references to two postils by the Bohemian Reformation preacher Milic of Kromeriz in the Prague University manuscript III A 8. An unknown scribe added these in margine to a commentary on the Psalter (Glossa Psalterii) by Konrad of Soltau (d.1407), who was an eminent German master [professor] at Prague University in the fourteenth century. By analysing these, the author of this study considers what the unique connection between the Prague University setting and the activities of reform-oriented preachers may suggest about the sources in question and about scholarly work with the Bible in Prague on the eve of the birth of the Bohemian Reformation.
The study first looks at Konrad’s commentary against the backdrop of his activities at Prague University. Because it is concerned with an unpublished work which has not yet attracted much attention among researchers, it was fitting to present the Glossa Psalterii in all of its basic aspects. In all likelihood, it is a university lectura by Konrad, which he most probably delivered in Prague as a baccalaureus cursor between 1375 and 1378. The Glossa Psalterii has three parts: a principium, a prologue, and Konrad’s own exposition of Psalms 1-150. Along with a commendation of Holy Scripture, the principium to Psalm 146:2 contains the structures of a thematic sermon and especially draws on the thought of Bernard of Clairvaux and (Pseudo-) Augustine. The prologue or accessus treats the Psalter as a literary work; it is divided into five thematic circuits, one of which includes the schema of Aristotle’s “four causes.” The paper’s author becomes acquainted with the content of the commentary by probing Konrad’s explication of Psalms 1 and 115. Konrad’s exegesis is primarily a compilation of two standard commentaries: an exposition by Peter Lombard that is called Glossa ordinaria here and Nicholas of Lyra’s Postilla litteralis. Regarding the particular ideas that Konrad of Soltau expresses in the principium, we may, first and foremost, take up his proposition that the truth of Scripture is absolutely invincible and his reference to the apocryphal book of 3 Esdras. Later, the same passage resounds in the work of Jan Hus and his followers.
The second part of the paper deals directly with the glosses in manuscript III A 8. First, the entire codex, which came into being at the end of the 1380s, and its scribes are briefly introduced. The previously mentioned glosses make reference to the authorities cited in two of Milic’s Latin postils: Abortivus
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(two references) and Gratiae Dei (eleven references). These references were assembled in a table, and the author attempted to find them directly in Milic’s sermons. Although none of the postils mentioned above was published, it was possible to find the vast majority of the references in the selected manuscripts and to thereby confirm their authenticity.
The previously mentioned marginalia raise two questions in particular: what contributed to the fact that an unknown annotator made use of Milic’s postils, and within the scope of what sort of exegetical activity was he most likely to have added them? Obviously, a plethora of quotations of church fathers and teachers were included within the references to Milic’s sermons; consequently, Milic’s work most probably served as a florilegium here. However, it does not appear that references in Konrad’s Glossa Psalterii were added within the scope of sermon preparation; it is more likely that university study devolves into such reasoning. In any event, the glosses mentioned here direct our attention to an unknown annotator who simultaneously was a reader of, and an expert in, Konrad’s commentary and Milic’s postils. Whether such a reader - who in all probability, was from the fourteenth century - was thus better predisposed for a positive reception of John Wyclif’s work remains an open question.
Two appendices have been added to the paper. A list of the manuscripts of Konrad’s Glossa - or parts of those - which have been handed down is presented in appendix A. A semi-critical edition (used only in five manuscripts) of the first part of Konrad’s commentary - the principium to Psalm 145:2 - is found in appendix B.
Biblical Arguments in Hus’s Polemic Contra occultum adversarium
Jana Nechutova
The polemic Contra occultum adversarium from the late summer of 1411 is a response to a tract from 16 August 1411 in which an unknown opponent (identified as Mauritius Rvacka) reacted to Hus’s sermon on Luke 19:41-45. This paper is deals with the way in which Hus works with biblical texts in his polemic, especially at the points where he responds to his antagonist’s biblical arguments. The paper’s author divides the polemic into five sections in which Hus’s characteristic methods of working with the Bible may be observed. These conclusions correspond to those five parts:
1. Using an appropriate amount of irony, oratorical devices of an apos-trophic sort, and rhetorical questions, Hus tries to introduce his opponent’s
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arguments in the course of an explication ad absurdum of Hebrews 7:12 - in which syllogism is his main tool. His antagonist also draws attention to the meaning of the terms tranferre and destruere, which cannot be interchanged.
2. The author of the polemic refers to his opponent s weak spots, to mistakes in his citations of authorities, and to an incorrect interpretation of John 6:15 and Matthew 22:41-6. Here, Hus’s reply to his opponent s argument about Christ s kingly role is problematic.
3. In this section, the point of concern is an interpretation of 3 Esdras 8:25, where, in arguing against his opponent, Hus resorts to modifying the text by inappropriately adding the adjective ‘sards to all of the nominative terms in that enumeration. He thus achieves the goal at which he aims, but he accomplishes this at the cost of a forceful infringement on the biblical text.
4. He expounds on the text of Hebrews 5:1-3, but the question is whether the sinfulness of the priests is discussed in these verses. Here, Hus pursues a comparison of the Old Testament s priestly order and the clergy of his day. A long passage follows, which - as is characteristic of Hus - rebukes the vices and sins of the priesthood of his time.
5. In the first place, a basic method of polemical work with biblical arguments is explicitly presented in this passage; statements from Scripture are taken up as a matter of course, but it is just as apparent that both parties in the debate may understand these in conflicting ways. In the second place, we meet up with the core of Hus and Wyclif s teachings about duty here, and in the third place, Hus resorts to a method, which is not always proper in medieval exegesis, of arguing from the context of a cited Bible verse.
Imitatio of Christ’s Sufferings as a Sign of the Coming of Christ’s Judgment: Concerning the function of select New Testament texts about persecution, oppression, and suffering in Jan Hus s letters
Pavel Kolaf
This paper focuses on the role that New Testament texts about the persecution of Christ s followers have in select letters written by Master Jan Hus. It confirms and deepens several claims that we comes across in papers by Amedeo Molnâr and Jin Kejr about Hus’ disavowal of the papal court and his appeal to Christ’s judgment. Molnâr saw a hermeneutical key to Hus’s self-understanding in the concept of imitatio Christi, and he recognised the common context of Jesus and Hus’s plight in the unjust conduct of the representatives of politico-religious power. The letters corroborate this view. It is
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similar with the ecclesiastical feature of imitatio Christi. In a treatise entitled De ecclesia, one of the forms of a Christian’s authentic (re) stance toward the church, which is identified with unjust oppression and excommunication by church authorities, corresponds to the emphasis on Christ’s faithfulness during persecution, oppression, suffering, and defamation by church authorities that we find in Hus’s letters. In contrast, in his explication of Hus’s appeal, Kejr placed greater emphasis on the expectation of the impending arrival of Christ’s judgment, which, in his opinion, constituted the immediate theological context of Hus’s appeal. The letters also confirm this observation.
What we consider to be new in this discussion is its emphasis on the role that some New Testament texts have in the context of the (self)-reflection presented in Hus’s letters. These primarily involve the second and fifth of Jesus’s speeches in the Gospel of Matthew (chapters 10 and 24), together with The speech about the end of time’ in the Gospel of Luke (chapter 21). The Beatitudes in Matthew and Luke, the motif of false prophets and ravenous wolves (Matthew 7), and Christ’s example during his suffering (1 Peter 2) supplement these. All of the texts mentioned here direct our attention to the fate of Christ’s faithful followers on whom unjust persecution, oppression, and death fall. Hus understands many of these passages as being prophetic words by Jesus in which his disciples” persecution is associated with the end of time and the coming of Christ in judgment (Matthew 10 and 24, Luke 21.) This enables Hus to - in some senses - see his life situation as fulfilling Jesus’ prophecy and to view it as being part of eschatological events that are intrinsically connected with Christ’s imminent coming in glory to judge the world. The persecution of Christ’s faithful followers during a period of disruption in the church’s hierarchical structures is an unmistakable sign of the coming judgment. The concrete historical situation of the church and its hierarchy in the second half of the fourteenth century and the first decade of the fifteenth century results in faithfulness to Christ and his gospel manifesting itself as imitatio Christi in his sufferings, oppression, persecution, and wrongful condemnation by political and religious authorities.
In the final part of the paper, the significance that the eschatology of John’s New Testament texts has for understanding Hus’s conception of imitatio Christi is outlined (see John 3:16-19; 5:22-30; 12:23-32). Attention is also given to the relationship between Hus’s letters and his treatise De ecclesia. The letters make it possible to construe Hus’s ecclesiology as a critical eccle-siology that is not primarily based on a critique of the church hierarchy, but seeks a theological elucidation of dissent and of the life situation of those who are persecuted, judged unjustly, and pushed to the periphery by the church or subjected to suffering inflicted by their own Christian communities.
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cHow Can they Preach unless they are Sent?’ Authority and the authorization of preachers by Jan Hus and his Contemporaries
Pavel Soukup
This paper traces the interpretation that Jan Hus, his advocates, and his opponents gave to the verse ’How can they preach unless they are sent?5 (Romans 10:15). Catholics used this quotation to substantiate the necessity of having an office of preaching licensed by church, authorities in operation. The Hussites presupposed that it was every priest’s duty to preach, and for them, the citation from Romans meant that a higher commission (sending) - consequently, a moral standard - is the prerequisite for performing this duty.
This study primarily focuses on a controversy that took place in 1412 and had to do with the thirteenth and fourteenth articles in a collection of forty-five of Wyclif’s propositions that had already been condemned in Prague in 1403. The two articles named above stated that neither a pope nor a bishop has the right to forbid someone to preach and asserted that any deacon or priest can preach without the authorization of his superiors. In August 1412, Hus defended these articles at the university in a public lecture known as the Defensio articulorum Wyclif. Stepan of Palec argued against the articles in a sermon delivered soon after that on 11 September 1412. Nicholas of Dresden, who advocated a lay apostolate - including preaching by women - in a treatise entitled De quadruplici missione, responded to that.
This paper seeks to answer the question of where this divergent understanding of Romans 10:15 originated. Its main source was not the Hussites’ biblicism nor their repudiation of the exegetical and canonistic tradition. Hus and Palec started from Scripture in its capacity as the highest authority, and both of them also acknowledged canon law. Hus’s innovative approach was rooted in his affirmation of its contemporaneity in times of emergency when it is necessary to defend oneself against the mendacious prophets of the Antichrist with preaching. He thus employed a conception according to which - in a special situation - it was permissible to preach against heretics even without a bishop’s authorization.
Behind these different positions regarding the question of a preaching licence lay different assessments of the church of that day. The Hussites thought that due to their moral lapses, the members of the church hierarchy had lost their commission (sending) and their right to oversee people. In lieu of a hierarchical institution, Jan Hus envisioned decentralised evangelization. Stepan Palec started from the authority of the church as an institution; that is; from an authority that was independent of the conduct of individual people.
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No one could preach in either church if he had not been sent; however, what form this sending should take was already a matter of interpretation.
Jakoubek of Stribro and the Tradition of Apocalyptic Prophecies and their Interpretations in Hussitism
Pavlina Cermanová
Reading and making use of apocalyptic prophecies was a well-known phenomenon in the Czech lands in the second half of the fourteenth century. During that era of increasing efforts at reform within the church, such texts became a natural tool for describing and explaining events, for constructing new images of election and damnation, and for thereby developing new definitions of authority, the social order, and the elite class. At the turning point between 1419 and 1420, apocalyptic prophecies, which were understood in a literal way by many, contributed to a radicalization of the reform movement and its spread throughout the countryside. Even after the eruption of the Hussite storms’, both Catholic and Hussite authors - in keeping with the pre-Hussite tradition - made use of apocalyptic images for purposes of argumentation, but their approach to that material differed. For authors from the Hussite side, biblical prophecies were binding and the explications to which they turned in their argumentation were no exception. In contrast, Catholic authors did not hesitate to even use the tradition of non-biblical prophecies to underscore the heretical character and perverse nature of the Hussite movement.
At the beginning of the 1420s, Jakoubek of Stribro composed a voluminous Commentary on the Apocalypse of St John in Czech, which he placed his time in that apocalyptic framework and described it by means of apocalyptic images. Yet, at the same time, he sharply demarcated himself from an overly radical reading of the prophecy. In his work, Jakoubek not only engaged in polemics against extreme chiliastic interpretations of John’s prophecy; he also produced a scholarly’ alternative to that. He considered it to be a distinctive, pivotal moment for an accurate exposition of the biblical text or, as the case may be, its prophecy. He unequivocally preferred a symbolic reading (in a tropological and anagogical sense); he described searching for the literal meaning of a text as being misleading and risky.
Jakoubek’s definition of the one who is prepared to properly examine the true meaning of John’s prophecy during the given time was closely linked to the Eucharistic motif, which was one of the dominant themes of his work.
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Only someone who regularly receives communion under both kinds is also capable of a correct understanding and explication of the revealed mystery. Jakoubek hereby not only differentiated himself from the Catholic side which prohibited communion under both kinds; he particularly distinguished himself from the radical chiliasts who had committed Eucharistic heresies. Just as their understanding of the sacrament of communion, their interpretation of apocalyptic prophecies necessarily were bound to be misguided and fallacious.
Vaclav Koranda the Younger and his Strategy for Defending Utraquism through Public Communication: the authority of the Bible
Jindrich Marek
Vaclav Koranda the Younger (1422/1424-1519) was a master at Prague University who also acted as its rector several times and served as the curate-in-charge of the Czech Utraquist Church from 1471 to 1489. During of his lifetime, he engaged in a number of polemics with opponents who primarily were from the camp of Czech Catholics. The authority of the Bible was one of the crucial issues about which he engaged in debate. For the Utraquists, Scripture - in its capacity as God’s law - was the essential starting point from which the church’s order, her doctrine, and above all, Utraquism - as her primary distinctive feature - had unfolded. This is why Utraquism was linked to ecclesiology in Koranda’s work. In his conception of the authority of Scripture, Koranda followed up on the earliest generation of Hussite theologians; thus, his position was rightfully identified as a return to radicalism.
As far as his strategy to defend the Utraquist Church through public communication is concerned, in addition to the demonstrations at the socio-symbolic level that are mentioned in this paper, Koranda mainly relied on the handwritten medium long after the invention of the letterpress and its introduction into the Czech lands. However, his private letters to the official representatives of Czech Catholics were not intended only for them alone; they became £open letters’ that were meant to defend the Utraquist position in public. Apparently, that is why Koranda also copied his polemical texts down in handwritten collections called manuals.
As far as we know, Koranda first allowed his writings to be published in 1493. That publication consisted of a collection of treatises about the sacrament of the Eucharist; communion by young children; and Czech liturgy. The purpose of these texts was totally the same as that of his polemical correspon-
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dence, but he seems to have produced a relatively large amount of work that was published. When the Utraquist Confession appeared in 1513, publishing texts of this nature was already quite common. The composition of Koranda’s library concerning the Bible and aids to understanding it bears witness to the fact that he was a fairly traditional scholar who wilfully resisted innovations.
Catholics in the Course of the Publication of Czech Biblical Texts during the Time of the Reformation: observations about the confessional identities of Benes Optát, Jan Vartovsky of Varta, Tomás Resel, and Jan Stranénsky
Jaroslav Havrlant
Although the publication of biblical texts in the vernacular in the Czech lands is commonly attributed to non-Catholics, we can mention a number of exam-pies from the Catholic setting: a New Testament published in Plzeñ by Jan Pekk (1527); the first publication of‘Melantrich’s Bible5, which was carried out in conjunction with Bartoloméj Netolicky from Netolice (1549); and Catholic postils that also include Czech epistles and gospels. However, in the course of such a glance at literary history, we encounter the question of who to even rank among the Catholics. That is to say, we do not have adequate information about the lives of a number of these figures, and their confessional identity frequently is ambiguous or has been interpreted inaccurately.
For example, Benes Optát was the main translator of Erasmus’s New Testament into Czech. He is regarded as a Utraquist because he participated in a Utraquist gathering in Prague in 1524. However, this account is late and unreliable. Optát appears to have worked in communities that were historically Catholic until 1546, and he never professed the Utraquist compact. Yet, Jan Vartovsky of Varta, the first translator of the Old Testament from Hebrew to Czech, may have been a Utraquist. Nevertheless, it did not bother him that his only preserved translation was published in conjunction with a Catholic named Jan Horák, who was the prior of the Litomérice canonry. Another translating personality named Tomás Resel may have been thought to be a Protestant and a Utraquist priest only because he had children. Nevertheless, he worked in Catholic parishes until his death. His friend Jan Stranénsky, who was an assiduous editor, translator, and publisher, was also ranked with the Utraquists without relevant documentation.
All of the men mentioned here were adherents of Erasmus’s biblical humanism who strove to bring Scripture close to the ordinary reader in a non-confessional way. Therefore, when all is said and done, I consider the
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confessional perspective of the translators and publishers of biblical texts during the reformation era (especially in the second third of the sixteenth century when the confessions still were not clearly defined) to be an unsuitable and ‘unhistoricaT topic for a paper.
The Interpretation of Scripture among the Anabaptists in Moravia Martin Rothkegel
Between 1526 and 1622, Moravia was one of the few regions in Europe where Anabaptists were relatively safe from persecution. The dissemination of Anabaptism in Moravia began in 1526 with a local church reform that was carried out under the theological guidance of Balthasar Hubmaier in the dominion of Mikulov (Nikolsburg). The Anabaptist church in Nikolsburg was established on the basis of local parish structures and mainly consisted of the local Moravian German-speaking population. However, most of the foreign Anabaptists who migrated to Moravia to escape persecution formed separatist groups like the Austerlitz Brethren, which was founded in Slavkov u Brna in 1528; the Hutterite Brethren named after Jakob Huter, which originated in 1531-33; and the Gabrielite Brethren under the leadership of Gabriel Ascherham. In the second half of the sixteenth century, the Hutterites’ communitarian and pacifist ‘Church of God in Moravia became the strongest Anabaptist group or ‘denomination’ in Moravia. The processes which led to the formation of such groups were associated with the appreciably different approaches to biblical hermeneutics that are dealt with in the six sections of the essay.
1. ‘The Nikolsburg Reformation and the Clarity of Scripture’: Hubmaier and the Nikolsburg Anabaptists took a hermeneutic stance that was relatively close to Luther’s theology of the Word. The Nikolsburg Anabaptists claimed to have surpassed the Zurich and Wittenberg reformations through an exceptionally rigid application of the principle of sola scriptura to religious practice that focused on scripturally correct observances of baptism and the Lord’s Supper. Hubmaier was convinced that the meaning of Scripture is plain and clear even to persons who are only able to read or listen to vernacular versions of the text. In the years following Hubmaier’s death at the stake in Vienna in 1528, his Nikolsburg followers went further by applying the principle of sola scriptura to the question of Sunday worship. In 1532, they arrived at the decision to advocate observing the Sabbath as the true biblical practice. When Ferdinand I mandated a brutal persecution of the Anabaptists in Moravia in
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1535, the small Anabaptist church of the Nikolsburg dominion lost its significance.
2. Spiritualist Tendencies on the Fringes of the Nikolsburg Reformation5: Even before Hubmaier arrived in Moravia, a spiritualist tendency had been present within the Protestant movement in that margraviate. One of the early advocates of this orientation was Johann Zeising, who, in 1525, combined elements of the doctrine of the Czech Brethren and the theology of Hul-dreich Zwingli into a ‘sacramentarian5 conception, according to which the outward5 - that is, the written and preached - Word of God, baptism, and the Lord’s Supper do not mediate grace. They are merely external manifestations of the ‘inner Word5 or the immediate, inward operation of the divine, which alone is effective in mediating salvation. In spite of his different hermeneutical approach, Zeising joined the Nikolsburg Anabaptists and died at the stake as an Anabaptist in 1528. In 1529, Christian Entfelder and Johannes Biinder-lin, who were two other people temporarily affiliated with the Nikolsburg Anabaptists, left Moravia for Strasbourg, where they advocated a radically spiritualist individualism which denied that the outward ceremonies5 of the church (such as Scripture, preaching, and the sacraments) could make any contribution to the attainment of salvation.
3. The Apocalyptic Spiritualism of Hans Hut and Separatist Anabaptists in Moravia5: While Entfelder and Biinderlin’s spiritualism justified their shift to religious individualism, another variety of spiritualism, which was mixed with apocalyptic expectations, was popularised by an Anabaptist lay preacher named Hans Hut, who visited Moravia in 1527. In the anti-intellectual and anti-clerical rhetoric of Hut and his followers, the concept of the inner Word was directed against ‘preachers of the letter5; that is, against those who adhered to the Lutheran type of theology of the Word. A number of hermeneutic treatises written by Hut and his early devotees had an influence that continued beyond the transformation of the original apocalyptic movement into separatist Anabaptist groups having an ecclesial nature.
4. Pilgram Marpeck and the anti-spiritualist Revision of the Hut Tradition by the Austerlitz Brethren5: When the apocalyptic events that Hut predicted for Pentecost, 1528 failed to occur, the first fruit of the ‘ecclesialisation5 of the Hut movement in Moravia was the Austerlitz Church. That body became the mother church of a widespread network of local Anabaptist congregations and conventicles that extended from Moravia to southern Germany and Switzerland. Under the threat of persecution, many Anabaptists adopted strategies of Nicodemism, which were evoked by the spiritualist devaluation of outward religious practices that was intrinsic to the Hut tradition and actively promulgated by the spiritualist Caspar Schwenckfeld. To counter the
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rapid erosion of their clandestine congregations outside of Moravia, Marpeck and other Austerlitz Brethren elders developed a doctrine concerning the means of grace, which, in some respects, tended in the direction of the Lutheran theology of the Word, but did not completely abandon the spiritualist frame of reference.
5. ‘The Hutterite Brethren’s Institutionalisation of the Hut Tradition5: The development of the hermeneutics of the Hut tradition took a different direction among the Hutterites. Their founding figure, Jakob Huter, understood himself to be an apostle sent by God to re-establish the true church in the land of Moravia at the end of time. Huter’s claim to have apostolic authority was underscored by a charismatic mode of speaking, which abounded in biblical phrases and could be called ‘bibliolalia’. In the flourishing ‘Church of God in Moravia’ that subsequently developed from Hutter’s congregation, the concept of the inner Word was transformed into a practical religious ethos. Hutterite ministers claimed that their preaching was a manifestation of the inner Word, and Hutterite authors of biblical commentaries claimed that they possessed a charisma capable of disclosing the spiritual meaning of the text. A large number of annotated copies of the Bible, commentaries, concordances, and other study aids issued by the Hutterites in the sixteenth century show that extensive memorisation of biblical texts was an essential religious practice of Hutterite ministers, as well as of rank and file numbers. Quite obviously, what the Hutterites called the inner Word was actually an internalised knowledge of the outward Word.
6. ‘Gabriel Ascherham’s Spiritualistic Chiliasm and Abandonment of Ana-baptism’: Gabriel Ascherham, whose church in Rossitz had once been closely connected with the proto-Hutterites, became a fierce critic of Jakob Hutter following a conflict in 1533. In a number of unpublished treatises composed between 1544 and 1548, Ascherham condemned the Hutterite contention that their church was a spiritual Zion that had been re-erected in Moravia at the end of time. He also presented a very original collection of ideas in these texts. Blending Anabaptist and spiritualist concepts with motifs having a hermetic and astrological basis, Ascherham maintained that he had a prophetic gift which enabled him to disclose the blueprint of the history of salvation contained in the Holy Scriptures. According to Ascherham, the divine plan does not include a visible church on earth during the period between the Incarnation and the Second Coming when Christ will begin an earthly rule over the Jews in Jerusalem that will last for a thousand years. Ascherham encouraged his followers to show outward religious conformity, to refrain from rebaptism, and to avoid martyrdom.
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The Defence of the Biblical Canon by the Second Generation of the Unity of Brethren
Ota Halama
In spite of the pronounced orientation toward the New Testament that characterised their origins, the Unity of Brethren never repudiated the Old Testament; they always remained faithful to the traditional definition of the biblical canon in accordance with Saint Jerome’s translation of the Vulgate. None of the Unity’s opponents ever mentioned repudiations of Old Testament texts in this context, and the Unity themselves explicitly professed the Old Testament several times. Nevertheless, the Brethren had a dispute about the Old Testament with people who belonged to the ‘Minor Party’ that separated from the Unity in the mid-1490s. In the setting of these ‘secessionists’, we encounter an ingrained repudiation of the Old Testament, as well as a pragmatic ‘sabbathism’ and an ‘antitrinitarianism’.
Brother Vavrinec Krasonicky, a spokesman for the second generation of the Unity and the curator of the Litomysl congregation, recalled the beginnings of this conflict in a treatise entitled Proti Kalencovi o piivodu odtrzencu (‘Against Kalenec on the origin of the secessionists’). In 1492, Krasonicky first met up with a repudiation of the Old Testament made by the weaver Matous (who later became a member of the Minor Party) in the eastern Bohemian town of Lanskroun. However, in the treatise mentioned above, Krasonicky opposed the written position put forth in 1520 by Jan Kalenec, the leader of the secessionists. Krasonicky rebutted Kalenec’s views by referring to the use of Old Testament texts by Christ himself and by the apostolic church. He also underscored their catechetical and liturgical role in the church. However, the ‘Benatska Bible’, an examplar from 1560 recently discovered in Valasske Mezirici, which unquestionably was in the possession of Jan Kalenec, also confirms Krasonicky’s objection, insofar as in spite of his opposition to the Old Testament, Kalenec was familiar with, and used, it himself.
The Printing of Jan Blahoslav’s Evanjelia in the Context of the Unity of Brethren’s Liturgy and Sacred Rhetoric
Eliska Bat’ova
If we want to trace the liturgical form of reading Scripture within the context of the Unity of Brethren’s worship services, we cannot overlook the
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selection of lessons for the major church holidays that was redacted by Jan Blahoslav and published in 1571. If we look more closely at the selected peri-copes and their use by the Unity of Brethren, we will discover that we find all of them in indexes of readings for worship compiled prior to the publication of the Evanjelia. A comparison of the occurrence of the pericopes demonstrates a close connection between the Evanjelia and the index from [1558-59] and, at the same time, constitutes another contribution to our efforts to form of a conception of the unpreserved Index of the Titles of all Sermons from 1563. Apparently, one of Blahoslav’s objectives in publishing the Evanjelia was to add this printing of a sung holiday version of the specified pericopes. Its close relationship to the Augusta and Cerny Index from [1558-59] also documents the state of the translations of the Bible that were used because only there can we find a substantial degree of agreement with the wording in the Evanjelia.
The passion songs from Matthew 26:1-19 and John 19:25-42 were used as an example in examining Blahoslav’s editorial work from the vantage point of the melodies of the Scripture lessons. In addition to the discovery that the method used in the Evanjelia to adapt a recitative melody to the Czech translation of the Bible represents a tradition that was more than a hundred years old, it is also a significant fact that Blahoslav’s unique solutions make up a sizable portion of all of the variant readings. In the course of looking for the consistency and significance of Blahoslav’s editorial changes, we have discovered that here, we encounter an application of the humanistic rhetorical principles that Erasmus of Rotterdam summed up in a dialogue entitled De recta latini graecique sermonis pronuntiatione.
The insertion of the brevis symbol into choral notion takes several rhetorical rules into account. In addition to its purely musical implementation, in the sense of the double length of a note, it occurs by respecting a long vowel; in a syllable where more consonants follow a vowel; and in the case of Two syllables being knit together in one’. The use of the breve in relation to a one-syllable word is a relatively frequent occurrence. In the sense of an interpolated caesura, the breve symbol is inserted in an effort to stop the flow of the recitation; to thereby strengthen the emphasis on the next word; and to separate words ending and beginning with the same sound. Changes in initia (intonation) may have similar bases. However, Blahoslav is far from applying rhetorical rules in a consistent way in his redaction.
It is not out of the question that Blahoslav’s predecessors had already applied rhetorical rules to a certain degree. Yet, it certainly is necessary to examine the Brethren’s singing both in respect to the Utraquist choral tradition and in view of rhetoric’s influence on the reformation’s conception of liturgical music.
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Working with Scripture when Writing Sermons in terms of a Treatise by Jan Blahoslav entitled The Faults of Preachers
Tabita Landova
This paper is concerned with questions about the role that Scripture plays in the process of preparing sermons in terms of a treatise by Jan Blahoslav entitled The Faults of Preachers (ca. 1570) and about the way in which - according to that bishop of the Unity of Brethren - preachers should work with Scripture. Blahoslav starts from the conviction that Scripture is a tool which one must know how to handle; erroneous use may bring more harm than good. He attempts to contribute to better preaching practices by means of a handbook in which he not only offers directives about the kinds of errors that preachers should guard against, but simultaneously, introduces many positive guidelines for working with Scripture.
The study has three parts. The first of these presents basic information about Blahoslav’s treatise, which not only comes from its author’s practical experiences, but also from the rules of traditional rhetoric. The second part presents Blahoslav’s conception of Scripture, which sees it as being the ‘material’ and normative source of sermons. The third part deals with specific ways in which a preacher should - or conversely, should not - work with the biblical text during the process of preparing a sermon: from the initial meditation on the scriptural text and the selection of the sermon’s main ideas in view of the congregation’s current situation, through the hermeneutic process of elucidating the text by considering its structure, down to outlining the sermon’s direction.
The paper’s objective is to demonstrate that through his homiletic theory, Blahoslav revealed that he was a biblical theologian par excellence. For him, Scripture is not only the source of a sermon’s theme and direction; it is also the source of illustrations and theologically correct language. However, the study simultaneously shows that for Blahoslav, the biblical point of view is always inseparably linked to a pragmatic regard the fact that the sermon is to be beneficial to those who hear it in their non-interchange able situation.
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Concerning the Language of the Kralice Bible: ‘Moravian-isms’ and the Principles of Jan Blahoslav
Robert Dittmann
This paper deals with two select aspects of the language of the six-volume Kralice Bible (1579-94): lesser known Moravianisms and the adherence to, or violation of, some of the principles that Jan Blahoslav formulated in his grammar (which was completed in 1571) or implemented in his translation of the New Testament (1564, 1568).
As far as the Moravianisms are concerned, the paper primarily focuses on ‘Moravian vowel shortening’ by using the examples provided by the words mucha [moucha - fly], struha [strouha - ditch], zila [zila - vein], misa [misa -dish], hlina [hlina - earth], prah [prah - doorstep].
Furthermore, this form is mentioned in conjunction with the metathesis of Old Czech bilabials hedbavi/hedbavny and select phenomena that Blahoslav characterises as Moravianisms (doverne, prec). In addition to Blahoslav’s Moravianisms, the author of the paper briefly devotes attention to two events of word creation, the suffix - isko and the type of verbal prefix represented by poobnoviti.
In the second part of the paper, some of Blahoslav’s linguistic principles or preferences and their impact on the six-volume Kralice Bible are examined: hlemejzd versus slimak [snail, slug], vsecken vs. vsecek [all], aj versus hie [lo, look] slysav versus slysev [hear], mourenin versus moufenin [Moor], kvesti versus kvisti [bloom], vsem versus vsechnem [to all] and the agreement between the participium and the pronoun svuj. It appears that sometimes, the publishers of the Kralice Bible did not respect Blahoslav’s principles or practices, which - in the phenomena that were traced - was especially important in the case of the reflexive possessive pronoun svuj.
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The Holy Bible of 1613: the last edition of the Kralice Bible produced before the Battle of White Mountain, seen in light of new information
Jifi Just
Correspondence and other written materials from the records of Matous Konecny have yielded a lot of new information about the operation of the Kralice printing house and about the origin and distribution of printings of the Bible that were issued by the Unity of Brethren between 1609 and 1618. This information also makes it possible to examine, in a more detailed way, the background of the printing of the final edition of the Kralice translation of the Bible that was produced before the Battle of White Mountain. This edition of the Kralice text was issued under the title Bibli svata (the Holy Bible) in 1613. Most of the new information has to do with a series of proofreading tasks, and chronicles the movement of the individual components of the printing among the following Unity of Brethren bishops: Jan Cruciger and Jin Erast in Ivancice, Jan Lanecky in Prerov, and Matous Konecny in Mlada Boleslav. The last person named here oversaw the work by virtue of his position as a bishop/scribe. By studying these reports, it possible to retrieve a number of significant details that supplement existing knowledge about the last pre-White Mountain edition of the Unity of Brethren’s translation of the Bible and enable a hypothetical estimation of the initial stage of this work, which apparently dates back to the first quarter of 1610 or the end of 1609. The complete context of the information provides a reliable picture of the production limits of the Kralice printing house, which does not, in principle, contradict the earlier findings of Mirjam Bohatcova.
The 1613 edition of the Bible has been preserved in at least sixty exemplars [singular copies] that have been placed in institutional libraries. However, we now know the most notable exemplar, which, at one time, was stored at the municipal library in Vratislav, only through a publication by Beda Dudik. That Bible was printed on parchment for Jan Divis of Zerotin, the proprietor of the estate of Namesf within which Kralice and the Brethren’s printing house also lay. A subsequent owner of the volume was Divis’s brother and a leading figure of the Moravian Estates’ opposition movement, Karel the Elder of Zerotin. This printing was given to Vratislav with the library of Karel the Elder, but it is missing today as a result of events associated with the end of the Second World War.
It is evident from an analysis of two dozen of the preserved exemplars and other information that the 1613 edition of the Bible was available only to the middle and upper echelons of society - perhaps because, in comparison with
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other printings by the Unity of Brethren, its price was high (four Meissen groschen). Adherents of the Unity of Brethren from the order of nobility - but also Unity of Brethren priests - were primarily found among the owners of the preserved exemplars. Undoubtedly, part of the exemplars also belonged to burghers. As was common with this type of literature, one owner annotated some of the exemplars with singular memoirs of a familial nature.
Letters by Jan Lanecky also tell us about preliminary efforts toward a second publication (a revised edition) of the six-volume Bible - which the Brethren did not manage to accomplish due to the eruption of the Estates’ uprising. The reason for the new edition was a shortage of exemplars of the first part of the Old Testament and the fact that supplies of the next two volumes were running low. In a letter from 17 January 1618, Jan Lanecky informs Matous Konecny of the exact number of the individual sections of the six-volume Bible stored at Kralice printing house and designated for sale. This is unique information of its kind.
Paraphrasing the Bible in the Czech Lands during the Late Middle Ages and in the Work of John Amos Comenius
Lucie Dolezalova
This paper compares late medieval rewordings of the Bible that circulated in the Czech lands with a later rephrasing of the Bible by Jan Amos Comenius that dates from 1623 (and was published in 1658). Medieval biblical rewordings, paraphrases, and mnemonic aids tend to deal with the biblical text quite freely. This approach may be illustrated by three metaphors mentioned by medieval authors in their prologues to such texts. In his Historia scholastica (circa 1170), Peter Comestor says that the Bible is God’s banquet hall where he makes his faithful drunk in order to make them sober. Thus, Scripture is the space where conversion takes place, rather than a fixed text. The anonymous author of Speculum humanae salvationis (circa 1324) first compares Scripture to an oak tree that is cut down so that eleven different artisans may take from it what they each find to be useful for their profession; then, this text describes Scripture as wax which reflects the form of the seal that is imprinted on it. A selective, and even manipulative, process of paraphrasing the Bible is justified in this way. This practice did not stop during the Hussite reformation; rather, it flourished
In the Czech context, a clear change in biblical paraphrasing is apparent in the work of J. A. Comenius, who expresses his hesitation about manipulating
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the revealed text of Scripture. After giving careful thought to this matter, he feels that this activity is justified by his desire to help more people understand Scripture and to facilitate their access to God’s Word. However, he seems to have real difficulty omitting many parts of the Bible. His summary is still 699 pages long in its manuscript form (and 810 pages in the edition printed in 1922), and carefully preserves the order of the chapters, all of the major events, all of the important quotations, and even most of the non-narrative sections (e.g. the Psalms and several long parts of Job). In addition to reflecting a reverence for the Bible as text which was unheard of in the Middle Ages, his paraphrase shows that the Bible was much more than a narrative or a source of theologically important quotations for Comenius. Through its poetic passages and detailed examples of human tribulations and God’s grace, the Bible was a source of consolation throughout his troubled life.
Translated by authors and Joyce Michael
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| genre | (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Aufsatzsammlung |
| geographic | Böhmische Länder (DE-588)4069573-6 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Böhmische Länder |
| id | DE-604.BV042324997 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T17:08:03Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788070172131 |
| language | Czech German |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027761844 |
| oclc_num | 905384439 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-11 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-11 |
| physical | 345 Seiten Illustrationen, Notenbeispiele |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Kalich |
| record_format | marc |
| spellingShingle | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace Bibel (DE-588)4006406-2 gnd Reformation (DE-588)4048946-2 gnd Exegese (DE-588)4015950-4 gnd Übersetzung (DE-588)4061418-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4006406-2 (DE-588)4048946-2 (DE-588)4015950-4 (DE-588)4061418-9 (DE-588)4069573-6 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
| title | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace |
| title_auth | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace |
| title_exact_search | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace |
| title_full | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace Ota Halama (ed.) |
| title_fullStr | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace Ota Halama (ed.) |
| title_full_unstemmed | Amica Sponsa Mater bible v čase reformace Ota Halama (ed.) |
| title_short | Amica Sponsa Mater |
| title_sort | amica sponsa mater bible v case reformace |
| title_sub | bible v čase reformace |
| topic | Bibel (DE-588)4006406-2 gnd Reformation (DE-588)4048946-2 gnd Exegese (DE-588)4015950-4 gnd Übersetzung (DE-588)4061418-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Bibel Reformation Exegese Übersetzung Böhmische Länder Aufsatzsammlung |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027761844&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027761844&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT halamaota amicasponsamaterbiblevcasereformace |