Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr.:
Gespeichert in:
| Beteilige Person: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Rumänisch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bucureşti
Ed. Muzeului Naţional al Literaturii Române
2013
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Colecţia Aula Magna
|
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027162915&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027162915&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Cultural identities, structures of power and military conflict in northern Balkan Peninsula during 4th - 3rd millennia BC |
| Umfang: | 295 S. Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789731671185 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. |c Radu Băjenaru |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819358453592752128 |
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| adam_text | ADDENDA
Abstract
Cultural
identities, structures of power
and military conflict in northern Balkan
Peninsula during 4lh-3ld millennia
ВС
The project s theme is focused on the transition process from
Chalcolithic to Bronze Age in North-Eastern Balkan Peninsula seen through
metallurgical and weaponry development, considering the existence of
certain power centres in the respective areas. This paper represents only a
first volume of a more extended series. The systematic assembly and
presentation within a catalogue of those metal items which can be regarded
as weapons, dating from Chalcolithic to Early Bronze Age (especially axes
and daggers) was the main purpose. The next volume will include
discussions about these pieces typology, contexts, significance and
functionality as well as about the ways of reconstructing this period s
military conflicts.
It is well known that around the middle of the 4th millennium
ВС
significant transformations in the material culture of Carphato-Balkan
populations took place. In fact, these are fundamental social, ideologic and
economic changes which lead to a new epoch, the Bronze Age. This paper s
main purpose is defining the role and impact of military conflict within
prehistoric communities by considering as study-case the process of
transition from Chalcolithic to Bronze Age in the northern area of the
Balkan Peninsula
(4Ж-3ГСІ
millenniua
ВС).
The disappearance of Cucuteni-Tripolye,
Gumelniţa-Karanovo
VI or
Sălcuţa-Krivodol
civilisations and the emergence of new ceramic groups,
„poorer in discoveries and with a material culture which can be related to
North-Pontic area offered the opportunity for different interpretations. A
284
widely known theory which still has many followers nowadays is the one
elaborated in the
70
s by Maria Gimbutas (Gimbutas
1977),
resumed on
several occasions. According to her, the end of prosperous Carpatho-
Balkan area s Chalcolithic civilisations was due to successive stages of
populations infiltration from North-Pontic area (kurgan invasions). These
were believed to have been semi-nomad pastoral populations being
strongly hierarchical from the social perspective, with a pronounced war
character. The image created by this approach shows tribes of warrior
invaders which destroy, displace and overcome the peaceful Chalcolithic
communities.
Therefore concepts like migration, violence and military conflict are
often used in explaining the beginning of the Bronze Age.
Military conflict in prehistoric societies was, for a long time,
approached by archaeologists like a natural, self-understood phenomenon
pragmatically and empirically. It has been considered that a human
community was the more violent as it was less organized from the social
and political point of view.
As a consequence archaeological cultures, respectively the tribes,
were moving and expanding permanently, migrating over large areas and
entering in conflict with other tribes; the powerful ones survived, the
weaker ones disappeared.
Only in the last decade more studies approaching the conflict theme
in prehistoric societies from different perspectives started to appear. Using
results and observations equally from archaeology and from other fields
like sociology, ethnography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, in these
studies a series of theoretical aspects regarding violence and conflict in
prehistory are discussed. Nowadays this theme can be considered as a
distinct research field (an overview on these research matters and on the
different approaches at Otto, Thrane, Vandkilde
2006).
Considering our area, such discussions are far from being common.
Two works of Maria
Ivanova
need to be noticed, in which she tries a
reconstruction of the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age weaponry and
conflict in the Balkan Peninsula, the attention being brought on the
settlements fortification system
(Ivanova 2006; Ivanova 2008).
From
------------------------------------------------285 ------------------------------------------------
Romania I mention the volume The weaponry
ană
the combat or parade gear
-
marks of the prestige and social status in the tombs of the Bronze and Iron Ages
(Istros
16,
Brăila,
2010).
Therefore, significant in our research remain
Alexandru Vulpe
and
Henrieta
Todorova s works published in the
70
s
and 807s in
Prähistorische
Bronzefunde
series about prehistoric metal axes from Romania and
Bulgaria
(Vulpe
1970;
Vulpe
1975;
Todorova
1981),
as well as Ivan Vajsov s
study about this area s early daggers published in
1993
(Vajsov
1993)
and
few more recent studies concerning Early Bronze Age axes from northern
Greece published by Joseph
Maran (Maran
2001).
I must also mention the
volume on Chalcolithic copper metallurgy from Romania published by
loan
Mares (Mares
2002).
The following issues are to be considered in this paper:
-
Is war a socio-cultural result, or is it genetically structured in
human behaviour?
-
What is the nature of war in prehistory, its role, social and cultural
impact on the respective communities?
-
How many military conflict types existed in prehistory and how
can they be archaeologically identified?
-
Which are those material culture aspects through which we can
archaeologically establish if a human community had a
propensity for war? Can we discuss of war type versus peaceful
communities in prehistory?
-
Which is the role of metallurgy and metal weaponry in expressing
and preserving social identity and in creating certain power
centres within prehistoric societies? Can we refer to a warrior
caste in this chronological phase?
-
Which is the ideological function and cultural impact of weaponry
and military conflict? Can the Bronze Age from Carpatho-Balkan
area be seen as a result of violent invasions of warriors originating
from the North-Pontic area?
In order to reach the above mentioned objectives I take in
consideration a series of various approaches with the purpose of
286
constructing a
strong theoretical and documentary basis for the arguments,
hypothesis and conclusions expressed.
The study of archaeological sources. This refers to assembling data
bases that will cover all metal items considered to be weapons from the
Chalcolithic to Early Bronze Age in the space already mentioned. I m
referring, first of all, to their typological evolution, discovery contexts and
comparison with other items respectively the changes which took place in
Early Bronze Age as compared to the Chalcolithic period. Choosing a large
geographical area allows also determining different regional patterns
regarding the behaviour towards the various weapon types.
I will bring up the analogies topic, both typological and contextual
ones, that such pieces have in more or less nearby areas.
The study of iconographical sources. Except for a few cave
representations
(Peştera Nucu, Peştera Magurata)
there are a series of stone
funerary stelae spread from North-Pontic space to Atlantic, on which
images of different weapon types can be noticed. The representations from
Valcamonica (northern Italy) and those from Northern Europe are
extremely interesting. In this case the situations in which the respective
weapons appear (people, animals, other types of pieces) are significant as
they provide relevant information concerning various aspects regarding
their social and cultural function. I also have in view several comparisons
with the Middle and Near East military iconography, more meaningful and
expressive for the period we are referring to.
The study of ethnographic sources. There are plenty of observations,
reports and studies referring to various nowadays primitive populations, to
the way in which inter-community conflicts are negotiated, to war7
s
role
and its social and cultural impact, to military organisation and weapons
function within these communities and last, but not least, to war s ritual
character.
The study of literary sources. There are no written sources for the
epoch and space we are referring to. However, various written sources
might be taken into consideration in this discussion. From the Epic of
Gilgamesh to Homer s Iliad there is a series of information items which are
extremely useful for understanding the attitude towards conflict, weapons,
-------------------------------------------------287-------------------------------------------------
war s nature or Bronze Age warrior status, even though they are relatively
far in time and space. All these, together with
iconographie
and
ethnographic information can offer a consistent image for what the
meaning of military conflict in prehistory is, with all its social and cultural
aspects.
Assuring the theoretical base. Theoretical approaches on prehistoric
military conflicts increased substantially. It is interesting to observe to what
extent such theoretical discussions, together with ethnographic and literary
information, can be applied to an explicit case, that of the human
communities which inhabited the northern part of Balkan Peninsula during
4*-3Г(і
millenniua
ВС.
By north-eastern part of Balkan Peninsula I mean the area between
Southern and Curvature Carpathians in the North; the Iron Gates, the
Balkans s western part and
Struma
River Valley in the West; the Aegean
Sea in the South; the western shore of the Black Sea in the East. It is a space
characterized by several geographical units delimited by the Carpathians,
Danube s lower course,
Stara
Planina
Mountains (Balkans) and Rhodope
Mountains. All these are placed on West-East direction and divide the
respective space into three main geographical units:
A. Lower Danube s basin; in this paper I m referring only to the area
from Southern Carpathians to the Balkans and from the Iron Gates to the
Danube Delta. Geographically, this area is very diverse starting with the
peaks of the Carpathians and Balkans over
2000
meters high to the
Danube s meadow. In the same time, the relief gradually decreases from
West to East when approaching the Black Sea.
B. Thrace, situated between The Balkans and The Rhodope
Mountains, delimited in the western part by
Rila
massif and in the eastern
part by the Black Sea. It appears like a vast plain area which widens to the
South-East when approaching the Black Sea shore; in the south-eastern
part, Thrace spreads to Aegean Sea having the western border on Nestos
(Mesta).
C.
Eastern Macedonia is the land placed between the Rhodope
Mountains and the Aegean Sea, bordered in the western part by
Struma
and in the eastern part by Nestos. The relief decreases from North to South
-------------------------------------------------288 -------------------------------------------------
towards the Aegean Sea. Although the area between Nestos, Evros and the
Rhodope Mountains was traditionally integrated in Thrace, geographically
it is rather closer to eastern Macedonia. Thasos and Samothrace Islands are
also considered as belonging to Macedonia and Thrace.
Obviously, each of these regions can be subdivided in several
geographical units but without micro regional multidisciplinary researches
it is not possible to discuss how the natural environment influenced the
cultural development of prehistoric communities. It can be noticed that
although the four main geographical units (the Carpathians, the Danube,
the Balkans and the Rhodope Mountains) are East-West oriented, the
hydrographie
network is generally oriented North-South
/
South-North.
The main watercourses in the northern Danube area are
Jiu
River,
Olt
River,
Argeş
River,
Ialomiţa
River and
Buzău
River, all of them springing
from the Carpathians and flowing directly into the Danube (except for
Buzău
River). A similar situation can be noticed South of the Danube as
well: Ogosta River,
Iskar
River,
Osam
River and Yantra River have South-
North orientation, from the Balkans towards the Danube. The rivers from
Macedonia and Thrace have also a North-South general orientation, mainly
Struma
and
Mesta. Maritsa,
after crossing the Thracian plain from West to
East, when joining Tundzha course has a North-South orientation, flowing
into the Aegean Sea.
Taking into consideration that in prehistory the main communication
routes were along watercourses, the
hydrographie
network orientation
facilitated, first of all, the South-North contacts (and vice versa). This fact
may be observed best in the Chalcolithic period, when almost the entire
area outlined above is archaeologically characterised by two main cultural
complexes:
Gumelniţa-Karanovo
VI and
Sălcuţa-Krivodol.
The first one
occupies the Lower Danube area s eastern half (with a border on
Olt
River
-
Osam
River line approximately) and most of Thrace, while
Sălcuţa-
Krivodol
spreads in the western half and
Struma
Valley, almost towards
Macedonia.
Things change during the next period, in the Early Bronze Age. The
majority of the Early Bronze Age cultural groups have their spreading area
either until the Danube or, most likely, until the Balkans
(Cernavoda
III,
289
Coţofeni,
Glina,
Mihalich, Yunatsite
or
Sveti Kirilovo)
even though
Yamnaya phenomenon can be observed both at the Lower Danube and
Thrace, until Maritsa River. The main difference between the Lower
Danube area, on the one hand, and Thrace and Macedonia, on the other
hand, is tell type settlements disappearance in the northern part of the
Balkans, while in the southern part they continue to be present for at least
another one and a half millennium. The best known examples are
Yunatsite,
Ezero
and Kirklareli in Thrace, Sitagroi and Dikili Tash in
Macedonia.
The present paper s chronological frame starts, generally, from the
beginning of the 5th millennium
ВС
until the beginning of the 2nd
millennium
ВС,
that is from the emergence of Boian-Gumelnita-Karanovo
V-VI and
Sălcuţa-Gradeshnitsa-Krivodol
cultural complexes until the tells
from Thrace and Macedonia cease to be inhabited
(Ezero,
Yunatsite,
Sitagroi) and the appearance of Middle Bronze Age cultures in the Lower
Danube area (Verbicioara,
Tei,
Monteoru). We are referring to an extensive
period, characterized by a lot of controversial cultural phenomena which
were interpreted in many ways over the time. This period is also a
chronological interval divided in several epochs differently seen and
understood in the archaeological literature. The most frequently used terms
in defining this period are: Chalcolithic (Eneolithic), Copper Age,
transitional period to Bronze Age and Early Bronze Age.
Sometime around the beginning of the 5th millennium two
considerable phenomena mark the Chalcolithic emergence in the discussed
space: the appearance of tell type settlements in the Lower Danube area and
the appearance of the first copper heavy pieces in the space between the
Carpathians and the Balkans, simultaneously with the crystallization of the
two above mentioned complexes. Absolute chronology data place the start
of
Gumelniţa-Karanovo
VI culture around the middle of the 5th millennium
ВС
(Görsdorf,
Bojadžiev
1996;
Bem
2001).
The new data from Varna
cemetery tend to place this beginning a few centuries before (Higham
et al.
2008).
Towards the beginning of the 4th millennium
ВС
the ceasing of the
inhabitancy within Lower Danube tell type settlements, simultaneously
with a considerable change of the material culture, in all its aspects, can be
-------------------------------------------290 -------------------------------------------
noticed (Todorova
2007).
New ceramic groups appear
(Cernavoda
I,
Brateşti, Sălcuţa
IV-Herculane, Pevec, Galatin, Yagodina etc) during a
period considered either final Eneolithic, or transitional period to Bronze
Age (from among the many studies regarding this issue, I mention Roman
1971
and Todorova
1993).
In Bulgarian archaeological literature it is commonly accepted that
the Bronze Age starts with the beginning of
Cernavoda
III ceramic group in
the Lower Danube, around the middle of the 4th millennium. I recently
expressed a similar opinion regarding the northern Danube area
(Băjenaru
2010,
with a presentation of the main opinions encountered in Romanian
archaeological literature). However, in the second half of the 4th millennium
ВС
and in the first centuries of the 3rd millennium
ВС,
the following facts
are certain:
Coţofeni
culture evolves in the western part of the Lower
Danube, while in the eastern part cultural groups such as
Cernavoda
II-
Ezerovo appear, which have correspondences in 13th to 9th levels from
Ezero
tell and 17th to 14th levels from Yunatsite tell in Thrace, in 2nd Radomir
level in the Upper
Struma
basin, as well as in Sitagroi IV and Dikili Tash
IIIA phases from Macedonia.
First Yamnaya barrow graves appear also in this period at the Lower
Danube and Thrace. This period is usually considered as the first stage of
Early Bronze Age (an useful synthesis regarding the Early Bronze Age in
both absolute and relative chronology in the discussed area, with the
respective bibliography, at Nikolova
1999, 175
and next; regarding
Yamnaya phenomenon at the Lower Danube, more recent Motzoi-
Chicideanu
2011, 224
next and Alexandrov
2012).
The second Early Bronze Age stage can be dated approximately
between
2700-2400
ВС;
At the Lower Danube sites characteristic to
Glina
culture are attested, in the eastern part of the area the Yamnaya
phenomenon continues, in Thrace is the period of
8Љ-9Љ
Ezero
levels and
13Љ-7Љ
Yunatsite levels and in Macedonia we talk about Sitagroi
Va
phase.
Concluding, in the third Early Bronze Age phase (around
2400-2100/2000
ВС)
we may notice the presence of ceramic groups such as
Odaia Turcului
(Monteoru Ic4)
or
Gornea-Orleşti
at the Lower Danube, corresponding to
Sveti
Kirilovo
(Ezero
3-1
levels), 6th to 1st levels from Yunatsite in Thrace,
291
and to Sitagroi Vb phase from Macedonia (for all these phases, see also
Nikolova
1999,
with slightly different chronological propositions from the
ones suggested here).
The above presented cultural and chronological outline has a first
objective to highlight the main cultural phenomena identified in north
eastern Balkan Peninsula during
5Ш-Згс1
millennia, their dynamics and, last
but not least, the period s cultural diversity. One aspect which can offer a
unity image to this space is the metallurgy and the metal pieces which were
produced and used in this area.
The approximately
784
items from the catalogue come from
352
places. They are spread relatively uniform in the researched space,
although I must mention their lack in eastern Macedonia and Greek Thrace,
as well as their reduced number in south-eastern Thrace, in the Turkish
part. The possibility that this absence may be due to certain gaps in my
documentation is not excluded, especially since similar items with the ones
discussed can be noticed in the immediate western part of
Struma
River (in
Chalkidiki and more south
-
Maran
2001).
Regarding the pieces spreading
area, a certain differentiation may be observed concerning Eneolithic
hammer axes and the axe-adzes. The last mentioned type appears
especially in the western half
(Sălcuţa-Krivodol
cultural complex spreading
area) and the hammer type is noticed particularly in the eastern half
(Gumelniţa-Karanovo
VI spreading area). Even though it may be possible,
my opinion is that this differentiation is not due to chronological breaks
between the two axe types, but may have other causes explained through
certain traditions and significations. Meaningful is the fact that the majority
of the hammer axes come from Varna culture area, otherwise this being the
only area where such pieces can be found in graves.
Regarding the contexts, we notice a rather big diversity. A consistent
percentage comes from settlements, cemeteries or can be related to certain
sites, which allows a precise cultural and chronological designation. Most
of them are, however, found randomly and isolated. The context doesn t
indicate, otherwise, the period when such a piece was produced and used.
The hammer axe from
Coţofenii
din
Dos
found in
a
Latene
context is an
expressive, although extreme example (catalogue number
137).
It is also the
292
reason for including in our catalogue axes and daggers which usually
would be dated in later Bronze Age phases. At a first sight certain
differences regarding Chalcolithic pieces contexts compared with the
Bronze Age ones can be noticed, meaning a higher presence of the
Chalcolithic pieces in graves and settlements.
Shaft-hole axes attributed to
Pădureni
and Balsa types are usually
related to Middle Bronze Age cultural groups. There are a series of pieces
and moulds found in such contexts, especially in Transylvania, sustaining
this argument. I included them in the catalogue because of the axe found at
Yunatsite tell (catalogue number
778).
Considering the
butťs
shape
(prolonged, with a flattened button) and the shaft, on the one hand, it is
typologically very similar to several pieces attributed to
Pădureni
and Balsa
type. On the other hand, the Yunatsite piece comes from a relatively clear
Early Bronze Age context, which can be dated not later than the middle of
the 3rd millennium
ВС.
Even though earlier types of axes (Baniabic and Corbasca) have a
very large spreading area, from the Caucasus until Central Europe and the
Rhodope Mountains we notice that later types, namely
Pătulele
and
Pădureni
(the prolonged button butt) are concentrated in the discussed
area (to which we may add south eastern Transylvania
-
upper
Olt
River
basin).
Another observation is the presence of singular pieces such those
from
Haškovo
hoard:
a Remedello
type dagger (catalogue number
262),
a
flat axe, typologically similar to a series of axes from Central Anatolia
(catalogue number
260)
and an
„epsilon axe,
characteristic for Middle and
Near East (catalogue number
261).
Taking into account the
Haškovo
hoard
specifics (it has been recovered from treasure hunters), it is very likely that
the pieces come from international antiquities commerce and not from the
Bulgarian territory.
Last, an important and very discussed issue within the
archaeological literature is that of these pieces functionality. Opinions are
of course, various, from tools and ingots to weapons and prestige goods. In
a recent article I explored the possibility that daggers might have been
used, during the discussed epochs, as animal cutting and sacrifice
293
instruments
(Băjenaru,
Popescu
2012).
A
considerable part of these axes are
unfinished or don t have traces of use, so that it is reasonable to interpret
them as prestige goods, even more so that in the mentioned epoch and
space archaeological discoveries don t allow us to identify any patterns
regarding warriors military equipment.
294
Table
of contents
INTRODUCTION
..................................................................................................9
RESEARCH STAGE. AIM AND METHODOLOGY
.......................................11
GEOGRAPHIC, CULTURAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL FRAME
..............16
CATALOGUE OF DISCOVERIES
.....................................................................21
CONCLUSIONS
.................................................................................................258
BIBLIOGRAPHY
................................................................................................277
MAPS
(1-5)..........................................................................................................294
295
Cuprins
INTRODUCERE
.....................................................................................................7
STADIUL CERCETĂRII. SCOP ŞI METODOLOGIE
.....................................11
CADRUL GEOGRAFIC CULTURAL ŞI CRONOLOGIC
............................16
CATALOGUL DESCOPERIRILOR
...................................................................21
CONCLUZII
.......................................................................................................258
BIBLIOGRAFIE
..................................................................................................260
HĂRŢI
..................................................................................................................277
ADDENDA
ABSTRACT
..................................................................................284
TABLE OF
CONTENTS.............................................................295
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Băjenaru, Radu |
| author_facet | Băjenaru, Radu |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Băjenaru, Radu |
| author_variant | r b rb |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041715813 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)876281451 (DE-599)BVBBV041715813 |
| era | Geschichte 4000 v. Chr.-3000 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 4000 v. Chr.-3000 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Balkanhalbinsel (DE-588)4004334-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Balkanhalbinsel |
| id | DE-604.BV041715813 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T16:53:22Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789731671185 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027162915 |
| oclc_num | 876281451 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 295 S. Kt. |
| publishDate | 2013 |
| publishDateSearch | 2013 |
| publishDateSort | 2013 |
| publisher | Ed. Muzeului Naţional al Literaturii Române |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Colecţia Aula Magna |
| spellingShingle | Băjenaru, Radu Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. Bronzezeit (DE-588)4008357-3 gnd Kulturelle Identität (DE-588)4033542-2 gnd Militär (DE-588)4039305-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4008357-3 (DE-588)4033542-2 (DE-588)4039305-7 (DE-588)4004334-4 |
| title | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. |
| title_auth | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. |
| title_exact_search | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. |
| title_full | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. Radu Băjenaru |
| title_fullStr | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. Radu Băjenaru |
| title_full_unstemmed | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. Radu Băjenaru |
| title_short | Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în mileniile IV - III a. Chr. |
| title_sort | identitati culturale structuri de putere si conflict militar in nordul peninsulei balcanice in mileniile iv iii a chr |
| topic | Bronzezeit (DE-588)4008357-3 gnd Kulturelle Identität (DE-588)4033542-2 gnd Militär (DE-588)4039305-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Bronzezeit Kulturelle Identität Militär Balkanhalbinsel |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027162915&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027162915&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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