Neizabrana saveznica: Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu
Gespeichert in:
| Beteilige Person: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Zavod za Udžbenike
2012
|
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026200531&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026200531&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Umfang: | 552 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788617176653 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819253695481643008 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SUMMARY
The First World War brought immense changes to Europe
and the world. Although Great Britain had triumphed,
it entered the process of the long-term dissolution of
the United Kingdom and its empire just after
1918.
Serbia became an ally of Great Britain for the first time in history,
and the armies of the two states fought together. However, as the
anonymous authors of a memo that circled the Foreign Office in
1916
noted, this was an unchosen alliance . The alliance came
about as a consequence of Germany s decision to begin a war
against all members of the Entente and the alliance between
Great Britain and Russia from
1907.
It was of great importance,
but its achievements were short lived.
During the First World War, Serbian-British relations were
the most dramatic in their history. In spite of rises and falls, the
period from
1914
to
1918
was a time of utmost closeness between
the two peoples. Serbia s increased importance greatly contributed
to the convergence of the two states. Great Britain certainly did
not enter the war because of Serbia or the Balkans, but Serbia,
especially in the first war year, gained more importance than
ever. Serbia s importance was reflected in two important facts: its
military power and wartime goal.
Already in
1912
British political and military circles
considered Serbia as one of the weaker states inthe Balkans, whose
inner instability threatened region ssecurity. The Balkan Wars and
a successful armaments program turned Serbia into a state whose
military power greatly surpassed its real international importance
and economic power. Furthermore, the Second Balkan War
brought the possibility of other Balkan states gathering around
Serbia. Until the general mobilization of
1916
in Great Britain,
the British army was smaller and less well trained than the total
number of the Serbian army.1 The Balkan states armies also had
wartime experience, which the British army had not had since the
Boer war. However, this paradox was soon surmounted: because
of general mobilization, the British army became one of the most
1
The British army numbered almost a quar¬
ter of a million soldiers in peace
(247,432),
and together with reserves it was supposed
to reach
700,000
soldiers. The British Expe¬
ditionary Force,
BEF,
which went to France,
had
150,000
total soldiers. The Serbian army
had
450,000
soldiers after mobilization in
1914,
summoned in three calls, and divided
into
11
infantry and one cavalry division.
During the first two war years, a total of
707,000
soldiers were mobilized. After arri¬
val on Corfu, there were only
151,828
soldi¬
ers. Around
200,000
are estimated to have
been killed, while the rest were wounded,
imprisoned, interned or deserted.
120,000
are believed to have died in imprisonment,
of hunger or in conflicts against the armies
of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria.
Report of general Terzic to President Pasic,
December 22nd
1917,
LP, F
II, no.
8262,
Archives of Serbia.
499
НЕИЗАБРАНА САВЕЗНИЦА:
Србија
и Велика
Британија
у Првом светском рату
numerous and powerful European armies, while the Serbian army
was reduced to one-third of its pre-war number of soldiers after
passing through Albania, and became materially and financially
dependent on its allies.
Great Britain entered the war without previously precisely
determining its wartime goals. Guarding its imperial power and
dominance on the seas, it emphasized demolition of Prussian
militarism as its first wartime task. Britain s defense of first
Belgian and then Serbian independence, despite the fact that it
had been ready to let Austria-Hungary occupy Belgrade during
the July Crisis, started an evolution of British military goals,
which led to the victory of the so-called national doctrine . Only
tactical reasons caused the creators of British policy to consider
the possibility of territorial expansion of the Serbian state
during
1915
and
1916.
Apart from their military efforts to win
Bulgaria, Italy and Romania over to their alliance or to later sign
a separate peace agreement with Austria-Hungary, the creators
of British foreign policy had an interest in maintaining a balance
of forces in the Balkans and, in the case of Russians, taking over
Constantinople and the Straits. After the Russian revolution
(1917-1921),
the relationship towards Serbia was significantly
different. However, the attitude towards a Yugoslav state was
not only a consequence of actions of a group of intellectuals
gathered around Seton-Watson and Wickham Steed. It was
formed by a myriad of causes created by the debacle of separate
peace negotiations with Central powers, as well as the later total
collapse of Austria-Hungary. Furthermore, the British view on
Serbia and Yugoslav union that gained importance exactly in
world war conditions could not have been different from British
state practice. That is, an idea of equality of historic regions and
specific features of their populations, undisputable on the Island,
was logically applied onto much more complex states on the
Balkans. Therefore there was general support for the attitudes
of the Yugoslav Committee. However, in the Foreign Office it
was decided to put the creation of Yugoslav state prior to other
plans and intentions much earlier than numerous authors stated.
In those plans the first people of Great Britain were not radical,
having in mind that they counted on a possible agreement with
Austria-Hungary even until
1918,
but they also preserved the
stability in the exiled Serbian state. Although respectable Seton
-
Watson and Wickham Steed were inclined towards the idea of
federation, influential creators of British foreign policy Nicholson
500
SUMMARY
and Paget claimed that federalism would only incite old rivalries.2
This state was made almost wholly in accordance with the
intentions of the Serbian government due to circumstances. Time
has shown that this triumph of Pasic was short-lived.
The fact that Serbia strived to unite South Slavs following
the pattern used by Prussia four decades previously during the
unifkationof German countries represented a historical paradox.
Although such a thing was never said publicly, critics of Serbian
government suspected that Serbia wanted to become Yugoslav
Prussia. Instead of that, some, such as Wickham Steed, wished
for Serbia to play the role of Piedmont.
Great Britain s interests in the Balkans were indirect in the
first place. Determined not to allow for German dominance in
Europe, and threatened at sea, Great Britain entered the war
involuntarily, drawn into it by the distemper of Central powers
and by the determination of its allies. However, for a great number
of British politicians and public figures, the issue of Serbia s status
soon became a matter of principle and the defense of Great
Britain s honour. The relationship towards Serbia, previously
mostly negative, became positive only conditionally, as it
depended on Serbia s mission in the Balkans and its wartime role.
Only under those conditions did the fateful ambivalence within
the British society become obvious. It is therefore unsurprising
that Anglicans, the church hierarchy and religiously declared
politicians, such as Edward Carson, the leader of Irish Unionists,
were more inclined towards Serbia.3 This relationship was also
specific and characteristic for the First World War. However, it
would be untrue to claim that Great Britain had no long-term
plans concerning the Balkans, and that it was mostly inclining
towards survival of Austria-Hungary. On the contrary, since the
very beginning of the war, certain British politicians and influential
intellectuals advocated the notion of the disintegration of Dual
Monarchy. There is even a thesis present in British historiography
that official Serbia presented a wholesome Yugoslav program
only during the visit of Regent Alexander to London in
1916.
The
first wholesome program of the post
-
war regulation of Europe
was formulated in the Foreign Office just around that time in the
Paget-Tyrell Memorandum.
Serbia and its people attracted significant attention from
British politics and the public during the First World War.
An important testimony to this could be seen in the energetic
diplomatic activities during
1914
and
1915.
The most important
2
J. Evans, Great Britain and the Creation
of Yugoslavia: Negotiating Balkan National
Identity,l75-176
3
In Parliament, during the war, the status
Ireland was compared with the Britain s de-
sireto fight for the freedom of little peoples
likeBelgium and Serbia. MP Scanlan said: It
is difficult for this country to free Poland or
give freedom to Serbia. It is difficult to renew
Belgium and restore its lands.Is it difficult
forthis country to give freedom to Ireland?
(an MP: No. ) The only small nationa¬
lity that this country can work at once is
Ireland. Therefore I request that the House
of Commons deal with Ireland. Is this a big
cause?, ARRESTS IN IRELAND. HANSARD
1803-2005,
HC Deb
26
February
1917
vol
90
с
1789.
501
НЕИЗАБРАНА САВЕЗНИЦА:
Србија
и Велика
Британија
у Првом светском рату
tactical war goal of Great Britain in the Balkans was the
maintenance of the Serbian Front, at first because of relations
with Russia, and then because of its disabling connection among
Central powers. The idea of creating a Balkan alliance was closely
connected with the military presence of powers at war in the
peninsula. The Entente lost that competition in
1915,
because of
divisions among its political elites in the first place. Although
the Easterners in the British Cabinet were the majority, the fact
that they could not agree to which operation they should give
priority
-
to the Dardanelles or the one in
Thessaloniki,
led them
to a great defeat in
1915.
Serbia was not ready for any cessions
to Bulgaria, as its contemporaries objected. However, it was the
Entente who failed to send enough forces into Macedonia in
order to implement one of the suggested models of agreement.
The Bulgarian government was also not prepared to accept the
compromise of the allies, just as King Peter and Regent Alexander,
together with the headquarters, were less lenient than the Serbian
government. Still, the Entente did not act in a determined way
and in time set up a front which it would, in the years to come,
maintain in far worse conditions, only due to reasons important
for the internal politics of its members.
The hidden motives of Allied diplomacy were also
interesting, as they significantly influenced their politics in the
Balkans. Russia strived to reach the Balkans (straits and their
surroundings in Thrace) and therefore opposed the aspirations
of the Balkan states, encouraging Bulgarian expansion into the
West. Russian aspirations caused French and British foreign
policies to give greater importance to the Balkans. Furthermore,
a great humanitarian action in order to help Serbia, where the
other allies could not be compared with the British, as well as
financial aid to Serbia, motivated without financial or long-term
economic interests, put Britain onto a special place among the
allies of Serbia. It must be noted that until the beginning of the
Russian revolution, the issue of Serbia s territorial expansion
was considered in the Foreign Office on a model that differed
a little from the one used in the issue of
Banat
in April
1915.
The creators of British foreign policy were careful then to
follow the map previously presented to them by
Supilo,
and
they took Russia s opinion into account. Documents from the
British archives also point at the determination of the Serbian
government and headquarters not to surrender, nor to withdraw
their army through the
Vardar
valley. It has remained unrecorded
502
SUMMARY
in historiography so far that the retreat of Serbian army through
Albania was an intended and previously planned action, of which
Valentine Chirol informed the Foreign Office on
5
September
1915.
Those supporting the idea that Allies should depart from
the Balkans, from Kitchener to Repington, later indicated how
their attitude that the Balkans needed to be left was tied only to
Serbia and the time of the great crisis of the Serbian front, when
it became obvious that allied forces would not arrive on time. On
the other hand, one of the greatest advocates of disembarking
in
Thessaloniki,
Lloyd George, started to be somewhat inclined
towards the Balkans front, after he became the head of Cabinet in
the end of
1916.
General Robertson left no doubt that the victory
in the war was fought at the Western front, and the breakage of
Salonika front was, as he thought, but a quick way for Bulgaria to
exit the war. However, he was right to notice that, by leaving its
forces on the Balkans, the Entente succeeded in maintaining the
armies of Serbia and Greece, which could not be used out of the
Balkans.
Perhaps the best political definition of the Salonika front was
given by Lord Harding, when he claimed that the Salonika front,
although of great interest, was not of utmost importance. Such
an attitude shows all the complexity of the British relationship
towards Serbia, the Balkans and the war itself, which is impossible
to be explained only by French interests on the Middle East or by
military arguments.
The Yugoslav idea was at first not close to the political elite
of Great Britain. However, as the war progressed, and a separate
peace agreement with Austria -Hungary became less and less
likely, it became clear that creating a unique Yugoslav state would
present the most acceptable solution for Great Britain. Influential
intellectuals, so
-
called Yugoslav friends , advocated this notion.
It was formulated by the influential Ralph Paget and William
Tyrrell in their plan at the beginning of August
1916.
In December
of that same year the critically inclined Italian journalists no
longer differentiated Lord Cromer and Wickham Steed from
the Foreign Office. The fact that the Serbian government, due to
flaws of its own conception of the Yugoslav state, abandoning its
state territory in
1915
and due to inner divisions, came into the
position not only to be conditioned about the future union, but
to be deserted by the Yugoslav Committee it had financed at the
beginning, British friends for whom it had done various favours,
503
НЕИЗАБРАНА САВЕЗНИЦА:
Србмја
и Велика
Британија
у Првом светском рату
4
The opinion that Serbia could wage a long,
difficult and dangerous war in order to have
Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Dalmaţia,
Croatia and
Vojvodina
live out
of its borders, in federal or independent
states as a minority is interesting.}. Evans,
Great Britain and the Creation of Yugoslavia:
Negotiating Balkan National Identity,
223.
A
similar attitude was present in the leadership
of the League of Communists of Serbia in the
1970s.
Certain Serbian communist leaders
claimed that Serbia had no interest inforcing
other Yugoslav peoples to live within Yugo¬
slavia, but obviously, according to the same
view, the wish of the united Serbian people
to live in its borders was neither important
not legitimate. D.
Jović, Jugoslavija, država
koja je odumrla: Uspon, kriza ipadKarde-
Ijeve Jugoslavije (1974-1990)Yugo$lavia, a
state that died: rise, crisis and fall ofKardelj s
Yugoslavia, (Zagreb:Prometej,
2001), 201
the New Europe magazine it had financed, and a number of its
own diplomats represents a historical paradox. Precisely because
the influential British intermediated, a compromise was reached
between the Yugoslav Committee and the Italian government in
December
1917,
and later the agreement Trumbic-Torre. The
influence of intellectuals who mediated in favour of Yugoslavs
only increased until the end of the war. Seton-Watson was given
a formal post in the Foreign Office, thus gaining the opportunity
to critically influence the implementation of the common
decisions of the Allies in connection with the Yugoslav issue.
The good will that British politicians and intellectuals had for the
leaders of the Yugoslav emigration is rather interesting, as they
had a completely contrary attitude towards the representatives of
Serbia. This relationship was not always in close connection with
politics, but it without doubt reflected civilization and cultural
stereotypes present in the British society4.
The nature of the complex relationship of official Britain
towards Serbia is perhaps best shown in its relation towards
the Salonika Process. Until
1912
British diplomacy followed
the careers of former conspirators with attention, while the
heads of Foreign Office bitterly pronounced that secret officer
organizations would only bring trouble to Serbia. However, when
the trial against officers around
Dragutin Dimitrijevic
Apis began
for the alleged assassination of Regent Alexander, almost all of
them, with the exception of Admiral Troubridge, were convinced
not only in the innocence of the accused, but in the damage their
execution would bring. A combination of motives led various
British politicians, officers and humanitarians to criticize the trial
and demand amnesty for those people because of which Great
Britain had broken diplomatic relations with Serbia a decade
before. Compassion, military solidarity, political wisdom and
suspicion of hidden political motives of the Serbian government
and possible secret negotiations of a separate peace agreement
with Vienna, all influenced such a stance, while political
pragmatism only convinced them not to place more substantial
pressure onto the Regent and government in order to pardon all
the convicted.
The policy of the British government was realistic. Perhaps
because of that only in the case of victory the total Yugoslav
union would have been insisted on. The speech of Lloyd George
from January
1918
showed the possibility of pleasing Great
Britain only with autonomy for the Yugoslav peoples in Austria-
504
SUMMARY
Hungary. This attitude was the one that forced official Serbia to
formulate minimal war
-
time goals for the first time
-
union
with Bosnia, Herzegovina and
Dalmaţia.
However, certain British
politicians did not hide the fact that in the times of greatest turmoil
concerning future British policy, Austria-Hungary was virtually
without any agents in the highest institutions of the British state.
A quick victory by the Allies, which came after the offensive
on the Salonika front from September
1918,
was a surprise and
a great confirmation of the importance of the Serbian army.
However, intelligence data clearly pointed out that the situation in
the occupied territories had been adverse for the Central Powers.
What the real relationship of creators of British policy towards
the outcast Serbia and growing Yugoslav state was like can be
best shown in the discussion about the future of Macedonia and
Albania even after the Kingdom of SHS was established.
Most uncertainties in historiography lay in the issue of true
goals and motives that set into motion the politics concerning
the mutual relationship between Britain and Serbia. This book
shows without any doubt that the Serbian army had the crucial
influence to significantly change Great Britain s relationship
towards Serbia. The influence held by numerous intellectuals in
favour of Yugoslav union, has been observed in a way too isolated
from the British government. The Paget-Tyrrell memo and the
role of Sir Ralph Paget himself and the people connected to him
clearly show that Yugoslav friends were quite influential in the
Foreign Office and Cabinet long before Seton Watson received a
formal duty in British diplomacy.
The period between the two wars showed the temporality of
relations between Great Britain and Serbia from the war
-
time
alliance. Instead of becoming the gate of Orient , the Kingdom of
SHS never regained the importance it had for European stability,
nor was the Balkans once again the central stage of adversity
among the great powers. German expansion endangered the
Balkans only in
1941,
after the conflicts in Eastern Europe had
brought Britain into a war against the Third Reich. The conflict
with the Soviet Union was, paradoxically, more important for
Yugoslavia, which was the last one in Europe to renew diplomatic
relations with the heir of its old protector Russia. Furthermore, the
Kingdom had become territorially far and economically wholly
divided from the
ñrst
communist state in the world. The issue of
relations among Britain and the Balkan states, its disinterest for
even the war-time debts of its allies, and European business until
505
НЕИЗАБРАНА САВЕЗНИЦА:
Србија
и Велика
Британија
у Првом светском рату
late
1930s,
made Anglo-Serbian relations less significant than
before.
The First World War was a turning point in economic and
cultural relations of the British and Yugoslav peoples. After
1918,
mutual trade increased. British capital became a constant in
the economy, and mutual trade grew four times in comparison
with the time before
1914.
The Yugoslav state had ports, which
increased the possibilities for trade. However, the significance the
Kingdom of SHS had for Britain, its policies or economy, did not
become greater than was the case with pre-war Serbia. Also,
450
Serbian students who were educated in Great Britain returned,
and thus the influence of the British culture and language on the
Serbian culture grew.
Grand ideals and war-time goals brought Great Britain and
Serbia together in the biggest war in history until then. While
Serbia fought for survival and state formation, Great Britain
fought for the preservation of its empire and a place among the
Great Powers. Gradually the leading men of Great Britain began
to believe that their country fought for survival, too. Time has
shattered all the illusions; victory did not bring the realization of
long-term goals, relations have changed, and the political forces
that fought that war disappeared from the political scenes of the
two states in the years that followed.
506
САДРЖАЈ
УВОД
........................................................................ 11
Историографија
о
Великој Британији
у Првом светском рату
................................................... 27
1.
ЈУЛСКА
КРИЗА
........................................................ 31
2.
ПРВЕ БИТКЕ
........................................................... 53
2.1.
Мисија браће Бакстон
..........................................67
2.2.
Колубарска битка
............................................... 70
3.
СУДЊА
ГОДИНА
.....................................................87
3.1.
Офанзивни рат или политика уступака
.....................89
3.2.
Мисија
генерала
Пеџета
.......................................109
3.3.
Лондонски пакт уместо Балканског савеза
-
жртве у замену за добитке
.....................................116
3.4.
Борба
за неутралне балканске државе
......................128
3.5.
Између дипломатске
и
војне офанзиве
.....................137
3.5.1.
Чиролова
мисија
.......................................165
3.6.
Велика
офанзива
................................................191
3.6.1
0 Бјернов извештај
....................................211
3. 7.
Повлачење
.......................................................220
3.7.1.
Црна
Гора и
Албанија
.................................241
3.7.2.
Велика
Британија
и
снабдевање
у
Албанији
......245
3.8.
Анабаза
...........................................................248
4.
ЕГЗОДУС
...............................................................265
5.
КРФСКИ ПЕРИОД
...................................................283
6.
СОЛУНСКИ ФРОНТ
................................................321
6.1.
Солунски процес
................................................335
6.2.
Између
Крфа и Солуна
.........................................346
6.2.1.
Преговори
о сепаратном
миру
.....................349
6.3.
Крфска
декларација
............................................355
6.3.1.
Ујединитељи
или
уједињени?
.......................403
6.4.
Пробој
.............................................................408
6.5.
Албанија
..........................................................411
7.
ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКИ ОДБОР, СРПСКА
ВЛАДА
И ВЕЛИКА
БРИТАНИЈА
............................................417
8.
ПОБЕДА И
КРАЈ
PATA
...............................................433
9.
ХУМАНИТАРЦИ И
ВОЈНИЦИ
...................................467
9.1.
Хуманитарне
мисије
............................................469
9.2.
Британска
јадранска мисија
...................................479
9.3.
Избеглице
........................................................483
9.4.
Финансијска
страна рата
......................................484
ЗАКЉУЧАК
..............................................................487
SUMMARY
................................................................497
ИЗВОРИ
И ЛИТЕРАТУРА
.............................................507
ХРОНОЛОГИЈА
.........................................................523
ИНДЕКС
...................................................................537
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Antić, Čedomir 1974- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1057855170 |
| author_facet | Antić, Čedomir 1974- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Antić, Čedomir 1974- |
| author_variant | č a ča |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041226062 |
| classification_rvk | NP 4410 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)891089848 (DE-599)BVBBV041226062 |
| discipline | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd Großbritannien (DE-588)4022153-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien Großbritannien |
| id | DE-604.BV041226062 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T16:33:39Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788617176653 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-026200531 |
| oclc_num | 891089848 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 552 S. Ill., Kt. |
| psigel | BSBWK1 |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Zavod za Udžbenike |
| record_format | marc |
| spellingShingle | Antić, Čedomir 1974- Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4012402-2 (DE-588)4079163-4 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4022153-2 |
| title | Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu |
| title_auth | Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu |
| title_exact_search | Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu |
| title_full | Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu Čedomir Antić |
| title_fullStr | Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu Čedomir Antić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Neizabrana saveznica Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu Čedomir Antić |
| title_short | Neizabrana saveznica |
| title_sort | neizabrana saveznica srbija i velika britanija u prvom svetskom ratu |
| title_sub | Srbija i Velika Britanija u Prvom svetskom ratu |
| topic | Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Diplomatie Erster Weltkrieg Serbien Großbritannien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026200531&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026200531&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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