Kaj si bo narod mislil?: ritual slovenske državnosti
Gespeichert in:
| Beteilige Person: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Slowenisch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Ljubljana
Univ., Fil. Fak.
2009
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. natis |
| Schriftenreihe: | Županičeva knjižnica
30 |
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024428222&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024428222&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Umfang: | 346 S. Ill., graph. Darst. |
| ISBN: | 9789612373498 |
Internformat
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819360569626460160 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Kazalo
Predgovor
11
Politična antropologija
11
Razvoj specializacije
15
Paradigme
17
Antropologija države
21
Politični ritual
21
Poimenovanje
25
Svetost družbe
32
Vzhodjedrugačen
37
Metodologija
39
Tri ravni analize
43
Družbeni prostor
in čas
44
Viri moči
47
Civilna družba, politični pluralizem
in
nacionalizem
50
Konvertibilna Slovenija
55
Dva politična bloka
60
Boj za zgodovino
64
Religija
69
Kulturna politika
in
menedžment
75
Ritualni prostor
in čas
75
Simbolizem
75
Zastava
79
Himna
80
Praznični
cas
82
Mitološki prostor
86
Koordinacijski odbor
91
Protokol
92
Poziv umetnikom
100
Stroški
104
Časopisne zgodbe
105
1991 -
Iniciacija
HO
1992-Spektakel
ИЗ
1993 -
Domovina, zgodovina
115
1994-Ločitev
117
1995 -
Akademija
in
miting
123
1996
-Kons.
5
133
1997
-Trpljenje, stremljenje
13
1998 -
Kakovost življenja
13
1999 -
Mladi
v
senei
velikih Drugih
143
2000 -
Pravica do govora
148
2001 -
Sejalec
156
2002 -
Zadnji ples
s
predsednikom
160
2003 -12
let smo mladi
165
2004 -
Država smo ljudje
169
2005
-Brez
besed
174
2006* -
Replika radosti
176
In potem...
177
Množični mediji
181
Odrski prostor
in čas
181
Kronogeografija, orkestracija
in stil
184
Subjekti
in
njihova sporočilnost
186
Predsednik
190
Nocoj
so
dovoljene sanje, jutri je nov dan
194
Del novega sveta
201
Vojska
in
policija
203
Glasbeniki
206
Recitatorji
207
Plesala
209
Športniki
210
Občmstvo
210
Televizijske reporterke
211
Scenografija
212
Telemetrija
217
Prehodí
obreda
229
Viri in
literatura
265
Audiovizualno gradivo
265
Glavni informatorji
269
Indeks
281
Priloga: Transkripcija videoposnetkov
335
Summary
Summary
Recent anthropological theory states that struc-
tural-functionalism of Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-
Brown and structuralism of Claude
Lévi-Strauss
overestimated the meaning of structure (Lewellen
1992;
Boscoe
1993).
Community members were de¬
pendant upon traditions, social norms and mental
schemes. These important narratives left them with
almost no (theoretical) possibilities to influence the
outcome of their lives. This pressure of structure
(culture) can be followed in both historical and
paradigmatic levels of anthropology.
Some scholars have objected to structuralistic as¬
sumptions as a sign of reified culture. An alternative
solution was the action theory: social and cultural
phenomena should rather be analysed as a matter
of individual choice and negotiations, and also as
social drama in which individuals operate. From the
1970s
onward, emphasis on individual and his/her
decision making became central in many anthro¬
pological writings, also because it was in tune with
realities of anthropological micro-studies.
Another problem of structural-functionalism
and structuralism was methodological isolation of
the studied society. Communities were perceived as
separate and unique. The world-system theory offers
more up-to-date framework to the study of modern
societies (after the 16th century). Although this
theory in a way reinforces the power of structure it
emphasizes larger social dimensions in comparison
to bands, agricultural societies, states and nations.
The central political forces are much more power¬
ful, with relations apparently asymmetric. But even
here, on the level of global socio-economical and
informational flow, we can follow social dramas of
individual players who operate/mediate on differ¬
ent levels of global society also as representatives
of national politics, arts, sciences, sports etc.
335
The traditional anthropological interest in structure and
function influenced the results of the study of rituals. The
function of rituals was to maintain social cohesion and sta¬
bility. An agenda behind the function might have been class
struggle or life passages, in connection to meaning, warship
and power (nature and society). Bearing in mind the above-
mentioned action theory and world system theory we can still
accept that ritual is functional, but increasingly multivocal:
the final outcome
—
ritual/performance
—
depends on those
who operate behind the scenes, where the real »social drama«
is taking place
(cit.
Turner
1970).
The focus has to be on key
agents who represent larger social units (statuses) and inter¬
ests (ideologies). It is then possible to follow their negotiation
process over meanings and symbols in and the production of
ritual place and time.
The omission of political rituals in Slovenian ethnology is
not only rooted in the enlightenment methodological division
between rational and irrational times and societies, but is also a
consequence of recent political ideology. While Western social
and cultural anthropology was basically interested in primi¬
tive societies and rituals countries of the former Eastern bloc
avoided examining domestic/contemporary political rituals;
one of the reasons is that such analyses could undermine the
very essence of socialistic orchestration
—
its constructed es¬
sence
(Rihtman-Auguštin
2000).
Considerable contributions to
the development of anthropological theory and methodology
of eastern political rituals were made by
Christel
Lane
(1981)
with her analysis of the Soviet celebrations system and by David
Kertzer s
(1988)
historic anthropological analysis of political
rituals worldwide. A number of other anthropologists have also
contributed to the theory of (political) rituals:
Emile
Durkheim,
Arnold Van
Gennep,
Max Gluckman, Jean Cazeneuve, Victor
Turner,
Marc Abélès, etc.
The shift from the reified and premordialist culture to
individual agency (choice and construction) is also present
in spatial turn in anthropology. Categories of place, terri¬
tory, homeland etc. are explained as (socially) constructed
and changeable though time. It is therefore appropriate to
analyse time/space realities as interrelated mythological and
ideological entities that are introduced and reproduced by ac¬
tors in political arena and ritual (Gupta and Ferguson
1997;
Wallerstein 1998).
The book divides the collected theoretical and empirical
336
material
into three levels of space and time: social space/time,
ritual space/time and stage. All three levels are of symbolic
nature, meaning that in the world of social conceptualization
and within this analysis, they acquire additional, preferred or
secondary meanings: but still they are spheres of social (re)
production and
(re)cognition.
Social space and time relates to changes in socio-economic
organization in the period from the
1980s
to
2005,
addressing
the legal relationship between individuals and the community
(private property, re-discovery of civic and human rights); con¬
ditions of market/neoliberal economy; reconciliation between
the perpetrators and victims of the Second World War, and
post-war history; principled and actual opening of borders to
the
EU;
admission to NATO, etc. In this study, these processes
have been given the common denominator transition .
Transition or constant adaptation to environmental (natural
and social) conditions
-
new technological discoveries, demo¬
graphic trends and consumer styles
-
is enshrined in the heart
of (capitalist) society. Rather than being confined solely to the
period from
1990
(the introduction of parliamentary democ¬
racy and market society) to
2004
(the accession to NATO and
the
EU)
or to
2007
(the adoption of the European currency,
the Euro), Slovenian transition can be perceived as an ongo¬
ing process. History of nations and ethnic groups teaches that
communities have never been static and closed but have always
adapted to social and ecological forces. Because of its extremely
rapid, often frantic pace of social restructuring and revaluation
of values, with the adaptation of domestic economic and social
structures following the examples set by founding members
of the European Union and NATO, Slovenian transition from
1990
to
2005
presents an interesting topic for analysis. Slovenia
has accepted and lived its semi-peripherality (see
Wallerstein
2006).
Due to the capitalist (bourgeois) restoration, the so-called
culture struggle has been rekindled in Slovenia in the
1990s.
It is based on pre-WWII ideological divisions (1920-30 s), with
roots in the second half of the 19th century, and it addresses
the modernistic division between clericals and liberals (Luthar
et al.
2001).
Pluralisation of the civil society in Slovenia and Yugoslavia
commenced earlier than in other socialist countries and was
based on the constitutional amendments of
1974
(the intro¬
duction of self-government)
(Čopič
1997;
Črnak
in
Vojnovič
337
1998).
A notable number of civic associations in the 1980 s
were replaced with parliamentary democracy in the 1990 s
(Mastnak
1992;
Bibič
1997).
The parliamentary arena divided
into almost equal left and right blocks. Although pedantic social
analysts of
neoliberal
society have always had problems with
mono-semantic identification of one or the other political op¬
tion ideological polarization spread throughout the social fabric
and formed the principal identity profiles: us and you .
These conflicting or complementary factors have also
affected the process of nationalization of culture
(Löfgren
1989)
where only those practices from a wide range of past and
present cultural practices were put on the national pedestal that
met the criteria of the current (ideological) selection. At official
ceremonies it was possible to see and hear mainly performers
from different Slovenian regions and artistic genres (space/
time-positioning of the nation). Slovenians were pursuing their
thousand-year dream . The basic principle of inventing tradi¬
tions (Hobsbawm and Ranger
1983),
regardless of the political
colour of operators, was represented by ethno nationalism and
neoliberal
economy.
The control over translation/selection of meanings from the
social to ritual space and time had been in the competence of
the central authority. Such body existed before independence.
After
1991,
the preparation of central state ceremonies was
taken over by the Coordinating Committee for Implementa¬
tion of Protocol Rules, after
2001
called the State Ceremonies
Coordination Committee; after
2004,
its name was changed to
the Office for State Celebration. This was a consultative body
consisting of several members, including representatives of
Slovene political parties, ministries and security services, all
of which were careful to avoid unpopular interpretative and
operational incidents
—
and to enforce a specific construction
of »reality«. Each February or March, the Committee issued
a public invitation to several established Slovenian theatre,
television and radio directors to submit their proposals. After
the most suitable proposal had been selected the director of the
winning institution was given the mandate for the realization
of the central ceremony on Statehood Day. Some directors have
participated several times. The current record holder is the ra¬
dio director
Aleš Jan
who had directed three ceremonies
(1996,
1998,2000),
mainly because his scenarios offered »something
for everyone«. Until
2006,
all of the engaged directors had
worked in one of the cultural institutions in the Slovenian
338
capital,
and all have graduated from the Ljubljana Academy
of Theatre, Radio, Film and Television. In connection to the
central national, political and media institutions involved in
the production of celebrations it is possible to examine how
centralism and nationalization in the cultural sphere function
on the level of staff selection (managerial pragmatics).
Although the event s organizers hoped that everything
would run as smoothly as possible this goal was only rarely
achieved, which presented an additional incentive for anthro¬
pological research. Almost every year, especially in the
1990s,
Slovene political parties and the public were stirred up by a
scandal connected with the preparation and execution of this
central political ritual. Whenever they were unable to enforce
their vision of the adequate script offended politicians were
quitting the Committee while directors whose political convic¬
tions differed from those of the
orderer
refused to participate
in the political circus . Dissatisfaction with the celebration of
the birth of the Slovenian State; appropriation of independence
heritage by the ruling party
(Slivnik
1993);
and the desire to
acquire political points all encouraged the spring coalition
of opposition parties (the political right pole) to organize par¬
allel, more popular celebrations in the Congress Square in
Ljubljana in the period between
1995
and
1999.
Due to political
disagreements, the central state ceremony in Ljubljana did not
even take place in
1994.
The official ritual space is, of course, connected to the my¬
thology of the Republic Square in Ljubljana. In
1991,
Slovenia
declared its independence there. No rational argument could
later move the ceremony from this location. Interestingly, in
the
1960s
the Socialist government had commissioned plans
for rally space in front of the National Assembly building. Their
wishes were carried into effect, along with the plan for the
Cankarjev
Dom
Cultural Centre, by the renowned Slovenian
architect
Edvard
Ravnikar
(Žnidaršič
2004).
The two office
building towers in the Republic Square had been designed by
Ravnikar as an entrance to the city : they have often been the
pillars of ritual scenery.
An important component of the ritual space was the audi¬
ence, which represented the emotional and the collectivist stage
scenery for television broadcasts. The number of spectators
ranged from
10,000
to several hundred, but has never again
exceeded either the scope or the emotional elation of the sum¬
mer night of the declaration of Slovenia s independence on
339
25th of June
1991.
The plurality of social space further narrowed down with
the translation of the ritual into stage time/place. The emphasis
lay on staging the fundamental components of the Slovenian
nation, its collective memory (Gross
2000)
and cultural herit¬
age (Lowenthal
1998).
The stage has been the end result of
negotiations between influential/competent actors in social
and ritual space. It has been the most pragmatic of the three. It
has involved a program with the duration of an hour and a half
to two hours, performed on the limited area of the stage. The
directors have carefully chosen the content and the relation¬
ship among individual components of the event. On the other
hand, the available cultural material has been much broader
then the political history of the Slovene nation, and has given
them the opportunity to widen the scope of civil society and
social choice.
Of great help in the analysis of the stage space was Alfred
Gell s interpretation of
(2001)
chronogeography: space and
time are limited resources , and obviously a person cannot
be in two places simultaneously and cannot perform incom¬
patible activities. It thus depended on each director and their
(negotiated) understanding of art and characteristics of the
nation how to take advantage of the space/time entrusted to
them by the State Ceremonies Coordinating Committee. This
process generally involved a selection of examples from the
plethora of Slovenian literary writers and writers of political
manifests, folk culture, classical music, athletics, the army etc.
A statistical analysis of the appearance of individual per¬
formers has shown that throughout the transition period, an
important role in the staging of the nation
(cf.
Auge
1994)
was played by actors from Ljubljana theatres who recited texts
of Slovenian poets and writers, thus verbalizing the national
pathos and historical landmarks throughout the emergence
of the country
(comp.
Lessing
1956;
Skušek-Močnik
1980;
Breznik
2002).
The event has always been divided into the introductory,
protocol part that included the arrival of the country s presi¬
dent and important attendants; salute to the flag and the play¬
ing of Zdravljica, the Slovene national anthem; inspection of
the Honour Guard; and the President s speech. It is this part
of the ceremony that could be called ritual due to its yearly
repetition and the exposure of national and political symbols.
The second part of the performance could be designated a
340
celebration and an artistic event. In general, the latter was
more relaxed and had a cultural (although implicitly political)
character. This second part of the political performance, the
celebration, can be seen as the temporal aspect of aestheticised
politics (Benjamin
1983).
In accordance with the requirements
of the state protocol, the ritual part (in the strict sense) has
always been stringently separated from the cultural part of
the ceremony. The anthem, the flag, the guard and the Presi¬
dent s speech have always served as introduction to the events
in the Republic Square and the
Gallus Hall
of the Cankarjev
Dom. In
this manner, the
orderer
(Committee) established the
hierarchy of content while the President s speech intoned and
contextualized the entire program; the directors of the cultural
institutions had the least impact on the protocol part.
Music and musicians of various genres gradually became
the primary performers. I understand this as an affirmation
that music is actually the ultimate medium, where collective
coordination and resonance occur
(Muršič
1997).
Music was
giving the rhythm and evoked different historical periods,
regions and tastes; music also entertained. In comparison to
recitals, music is less explicit, its manifestation more seductive.
In addition to the Slovene national anthem written by France
Prešeren s
(to the music of
Stanko Premrl),
the most frequently
performed songs have been Oh,
Triglav,
My Home by Matija
Zemljič
and Jakob
Aljaž
(from 1880s) and I Am Slovenian by
Benjamin Ipavec (from more or less the same period). In line
with the softening of rhetoric interpellation (see Althusser
1980)
there has been an increase of dance acts since
1998,
and particularly after
2001.
The ceremony of
2005
consisted
only of a series of fourteen
(!)
dance choreographies directed
by Iztok
Kovač.
Secondly, in view of one of the complaints of political op¬
position that official state ceremonies were sad, it is certainly
possible to understand the wish of the contracting authority
(the government and the Coordinating Committee), as well as
the directors and performers, to entertain the audience and
television viewers. Rather than linking it with the convulsions
and traumas of the nation s historical or present decisions
they wished to present the Statehood Day as a joyous occa¬
sion. Slovenian Statehood Day can also be seen as an act of
national solidarity between generations and of continuity (care
for the young; acknowledgement of forbearers; and plurality
of subcultures).
341
Among the elements absent from ceremonies, and in
relation to the developments in the social space, I would by
all means emphasize the proletariat (the revolution, com¬
munism) with which people were familiar during the socialist
period. Equally absent were the symbols and narratives (my¬
thologies) of the Roman Catholic Church
-
even though the
Church had successfully managed to re-evangelize the nation
during the period of transition and had therefore become an
important social factor. There arose the question of whether
the country should accept a parity relationship with the Church
in the context of the ceremony, in which case the participation
of representatives of other religious communities should also
be allowed. The contracting authority (Government of the
Republic of Slovenia) followed the principle of separation of
Church and State.
It is precisely the absence of proletariat and religion that
best describes the mental world of the Liberal Democratic
Party, which was in power for the major part of the transition
period; it promoted ethno-nationalism and economic liberal¬
ism.
If we can thus speak of the nation s cultural pluralism on
stage the matter comes to a complete standstill at the level
of ethnic pluralism. The festive stage has never included any
representatives of ethnic and national minorities, nor did
these productions include dance or music that would remind
Slovenian citizens that people of different national, religious,
sexual, and other orientations also lived in the same country
(cf. Jandt
1998).
In
2005,
the rightist Slovenian government,
led by the Social Democratic Party of Janez
Janša,
even declared
three new national holidays dedicated to the territories in the
west, north and east of Slovenia: the Day of Reunification of
Primorska
with the Motherland (September
15),
Rudolf Maister
Day (November
23)
and the Day of Unification of Prekmurje
with the Motherland (August
17).
At the same time it aggra¬
vated its attitude towards the
Romani.
Thus the Slovenian
state, either in the time of the leftist government or during
the period of the rightist government, never praised civil
liberties but rather only the acquisitions and cultural pluralism
of the Slovenian nation.
Since the political ritual on Statehood Days during the
transition period did not deconstruct or mitigate Slovenian
nationalism it cannot be considered political theatre
(cf.
Melchinger
2000).
It did not assume the role of social criticism
342
even though its undertones did hint at broader, civilizational
dilemmas that went beyond the purely national identification
(for example,
Matjaž
Berger
1996
and
2001 ;
Janez
Pipan
1995
etc.). This state holiday was creating the image of a homoge¬
neous community whose members (intimately) thought and
worked differently, yet within the context of the emancipation
of the Slovenian one-nation state.
The fifteen years of Slovenian transition can be perceived
as a strategical liminality: the passage from an old to a new
political-economical system, from the Socialist Federal Repub¬
lic of Yugoslavia to the European Union, from workers self-
management socialism to
neoliberal
capitalism. During this
period, the temporal and spatial categories of politics, economy
and culture were repeatedly questioned and redefined. Also
redefined were the social classes and their relations. New power
relations influenced the perception of the social past and the
future. Arnold van Gennep s
(1997 [1909])
and Victor Turner s
(1970)
conceptualisation of the rites of passage and their limi¬
nality can therefore be applied to the broader temporal and
spatial context in which ritual changes take place.
The period of transition is the period in which anthropology
shifts its interest in the rites of passage to the passages of rite.
343
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Simonič, Peter |
| author_facet | Simonič, Peter |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Simonič, Peter |
| author_variant | p s ps |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV039576828 |
| classification_rvk | MG 91082 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)756307478 (DE-599)BSZ332301850 |
| discipline | Politologie |
| edition | 1. natis |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Slowenien |
| id | DE-604.BV039576828 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T15:57:41Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789612373498 |
| language | Slovenian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024428222 |
| oclc_num | 756307478 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-355 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-355 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| physical | 346 S. Ill., graph. Darst. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Univ., Fil. Fak. |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Županičeva knjižnica |
| series2 | Županičeva knjižnica |
| spellingShingle | Simonič, Peter Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti Županičeva knjižnica Staat (DE-588)4056618-3 gnd Ritual (DE-588)4050164-4 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4056618-3 (DE-588)4050164-4 (DE-588)4020588-5 (DE-588)4055302-4 |
| title | Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti |
| title_auth | Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti |
| title_exact_search | Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti |
| title_full | Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti Peter Simonič |
| title_fullStr | Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti Peter Simonič |
| title_full_unstemmed | Kaj si bo narod mislil? ritual slovenske državnosti Peter Simonič |
| title_short | Kaj si bo narod mislil? |
| title_sort | kaj si bo narod mislil ritual slovenske drzavnosti |
| title_sub | ritual slovenske državnosti |
| topic | Staat (DE-588)4056618-3 gnd Ritual (DE-588)4050164-4 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd |
| topic_facet | Staat Ritual Gesellschaft Slowenien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024428222&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024428222&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV017456045 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT simonicpeter kajsibonarodmislilritualslovenskedrzavnosti |