Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej:
Gespeichert in:
| Beteilige Person: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polnisch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Wrocław
Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego
2010 [erschienen] 2011
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis
Antiquitas ; 32 Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3229 |
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024147779&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024147779&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Utopias in hellenistic Greece |
| Umfang: | 356 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788322931400 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text |
UTOPIAS
IN HELLENISTIC GREECE
Summary
A utopia
is a literary design of a new, better society in which people will live happily. The
design is not to be directly implemented, but is to make the readers realise that the existing system
is imperfect and can be improved or even changed entirely. Thus,
a utopia
sensu stricto
is a po¬
litical
utopia,
while the term mythical or descriptive
utopia
can, in my opinion, be replaced with
the term Utopian motifs. These include people's desires and longings expressed by myth, fantasy,
idealisation of nature's peoples and the literary convention
oí
locus amoenus. There is a significant
difference between a political
utopia
and a political programme. Political activists choose short-term
objectives, i.e. try to carry out reforms, but their activity is restricted by the existing socio-political
conditions. On the other hand, authors of political
utopias
create a design of a completely new, ideal
state. Therefore, we cannot equate the history of political thought with the history of political
utopia.
Utopia is not a literary genre, because it is a content-based category and the authors of
uto¬
pias
used various literary forms to give their designs of a new state an illusion of something real
and probable. What most
utopias
have in common is isolation, self-sufficiency and stability of the
political system. People living in various historical periods dream of a happy life in a better world.
This has been an eternal longing and that is why it has rightly been said that a human being is by
nature an animal utopicum. A Utopia is a spiritual response to the limitations and shortcomings of
human existence and to the frustrations of individuals and society.
In archaic Greece there was no political
utopia,
though there were often Utopian motifs in
literary works. They could also be found in Old Attic comedy. The first political
utopias
appeared
under the influence of the sophistic movement in the second half of the 5th century
ВС
(Hippo-
damus of Miletus and Phaleas of
Chalcedon).
The first
utopia
that has survived in its entirety is
Plato's Politeia. Later Plato described Atlantis and prehistoric Athens in his dialogues Timaeus and
Critias; his last great
utopia
came with The Laws. In the second half of the 4th century and in the
3rd
century plans for ideal states were created, in opposition to Plato, by Cynics and Stoics
(Zeno
of Citium and Chrysippus of Soli). Works by Hecataeus of Abdera, Euhemerus and Iambulus should
be regarded as Utopian novels and not as
utopias
sensu stricto.
The political
utopia
ended with the
Stoic
utopia.
Philosophers realised that after the emergence of Hellenistic monarchies, the only way
to introduce social changes was to influence the rulers. That is why they began to write the Peri
basileias (On Kingship) treatises that described the qualities of a good ruler and his duties. I think
that an ideal
polis
was never put into practice in Antiquity. I also doubt whether
utopias
did have
any impact on social changes.
What has survived from the lengthy conversation between Silenus and Midas, included in
book
VIII
of Theopompus of Chios' Philippica, is only a passage about Meropis. However, Ae-
lian did not quote it in full but summarised it. Later, an anonymous epitomator of Aelian's work
made further cuts. That is why we do not have the original text and cannot reconstruct the original
version of Silenus' tale. First of all, we know almost nothing about the Meropes who must have
played a very important role, if, according to Apollodorus of Athens, the passage depicts the land
346
Summary
of the Meropes. Theopompus referred to the golden age tradition, the Hyperborean myth and the
idealisation of nature's peoples. Moreover, we can spot in the passage some reminiscences of works
of many authors (such as Homer, Hesiod, Herodotus and Plato).
I think it is a mistake to interpret Silenus' myth as
a utopia
and the Cynic ideal of justice and
piety. It is too simplified to see in the myth just one goal
-
to tell a captivating story, to criticise or
parody Plato, or to present an allegory of the human fate. It seems to me that the myth should be
interpreted on three levels. Theopompus wanted first of all to tell an interesting myth that would
captivate the readers and make them admire the author's narrative art. In addition, he made po¬
lemical references to Plato's dialogues, criticising and parodying various motifs occurring there.
It is also likely that the myth can be interpreted allegorically, because it contains abstract names,
antitheses, a place called Anostos and criticism of the happy Hyperboreans. Perhaps the aim was
to present the human fate in the spirit of archaic pessimism. Only when we take into account these
three different levels will we be able to understand Theopompus' true intentions.
Hecataeus wrote the book On Hyperboreans probably in the 320s
ВС.
The work has not
survived and we only have some
testimonia.
The most extensive testimonies come from Dio-
dorus Siculus and Aelian. Further information comes from geographical works (Agatharchides
of Cnidus, Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Periplus
Ponti Euxini,
Stephanus of Byzantium and scholia on
Apollonius
of Rhodes). Hecataeus' work was a Utopian travelogue in which the author provided an
account of his own journey, i.e. used the
Ich-Erzählung
narrative model. The Abderite described
in detail the island of Helixoia inhabited by Hyperboreans and situated opposite
Keltikê,
i.e. the
south-western coast of Europe. This very fertile island had a mild climate and yielded crop twice
a year. Its inhabitants were extremely pious and particularly venerated Apollo, for whom they
erected a magnificent temple. There are vote offerings with Greek inscriptions, which testified
to the fact that the island was visited by Greeks to whom Hyperboreans were friendly. The god
himself would visit the island every nineteen years, staying there from the spring equinox until
the rise of the Pleiades. The description of the island is fairly realistic, because the author gener¬
ally avoids elements suggesting fantasy and fairy-tale in order not to arouse the readers' distrust.
The realism, however, does not testify to the authenticity of the journey, which, undoubtedly, was
a literary fiction, just like Euhemerus' journey. By placing the ideal island at the end of the world,
Hecataeus drew on an old tradition as exemplified by Homer, who in his Odyssey described the
island of Syria situated in the West, or Plato, who described Atlantis situated beyond the Pillars of
Hercules in the Atlantic Ocean.
I suspect that Hecataeus referred to: a) mythological tradition that spoke of a pious and
just people of Hyperboreans who lived beyond the Rhipaean Mountains, b) tradition that men¬
tioned Abaris the Hyperborean, c) Delian tradition according to which Hyperboreans would send
sacrificial gifts wrapped in wheat straw to the island of
Delos, d)
Delphic tradition that spoke of
Apollo's arrival from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delphi. On the other hand, it is debatable
whether Hecataeus referred to Pytheas' book On the Ocean. What is completely unconvincing is
the hypothesis that the description of Helixoia contains Egyptian influences.
It is highly unlikely that the tale of the Hyperboreans was meant to show Hecataeus' con¬
temporaries an ideal of a pious and virtuous life. In my opinion, it is a mistake to think that On
Hyperboreans was
a utopia
sensu stricto.
I doubt either whether the Abderite transformed the
information obtained from Pytheas' geographic discoveries to give Britannia a mythical past.
However, I do believe that Hecataeus may have simply wanted to entertain his readers by writing
a travelogue with a thrilling plot.
We do not know when Onesicritus was born and died; all the suggested dates are results of
speculation and cannot be verified. He was born probably on the island of Astypalaia; he could
not have been born on the island of Aegina, because this was the birthplace of another Onesicritus
who, together with his two sons, was allegedly a disciple of Diogenes of
Sinope.
The only certain
fact from Onesicritus' life is his participation in Alexander the Great's campaign in the East, though
Summary
347
we do not know when he joined it. Onesicritus was the pilot of the king's ship on the Hydaspes and
the Indus, and the chief pilot
(archikybernëtës)
during the expedition from the mouth of the Indus to
the mouth of the Euphrates. In
Susa
the king rewarded him with a gold wreath. After Alexander's
death Onesicritus probably stayed at the court of Lysimachus, who ruled Thrace.
Onesicritus wrote an extensive work entitled Education of Alexander which described Alex¬
ander's life from his childhood till his death. We have to admit we are unable to establish when the
work was published; all suggested dates are subjective. There are only
41
extant fragments which
have survived in works by ten writers. What also makes an assessment of the work difficult is the
fact that the ancient authors retained mainly the information on nature, ethnography and geogra¬
phy, and only very few historical facts related to Alexander's campaign. Onesicritus wrote a work
glorifying Alexander the Great in which he imitated Xenophon's Education of Cyrus (Cyropaedia).
The Astypalaian is thus the author of a historical novel and not a historical work about Alexander.
It seems that Onesicritus was able to combine reality with fantasy so closely that it was difficult to
separate fact from fiction. Owing to his description of nature's curiosities in India, Onesicritus was
considered in Antiquity to be a liar; Strabo even called him
tõn paradoksõn
archikybernëtës,
i.e.
the chief pilot of the extraordinary. I suspect that the Astypalaian had three goals in mind when he
published his book: a) to present Alexander as a philosopher king and propagator of culture, b) to
please his readers who would follow the lively action with bated breath and enjoy the descriptions
of countries far away in the East, c) to emphasise his own status as a trusted man of Alexander,
who sent him on important missions (conversation with the Gymnosophists) and entrusted him with
important positions in his fleet.
It seems a mistake to claim that Onesicritus drew on a specific source. I suspect that he was
familiar with various works (including Homer's epics, Herodotus' work and Plato's dialogues)
which contained Utopian motifs and were marked by a tendency to idealise nature's peoples. From
Ctesias he borrowed the convention of presenting India as a country full of miracles and extraordi¬
nary phenomena. In his work Onesicritus also applied the ethnographic theory according to which
the authors should not only describe various phenomena, but also look for the causal links. In ad¬
dition, the idealisation of king Cyrus the Elder in Antisthenes' treatises and Xenophon's work may
have inspired the writing of a historical novel glorifying Alexander.
The work attracted the attention of some of Alexander's historians. Onesicritus' work was
certainly known to and sometimes challenged by Nearchus, Aristobulus and Cleitarchus, later the
source for the authors of the so-called Vulgate, i.e. Pompeius Trogus/Justin,
Diodorus
and
Curtius
Rufus. Perhaps it was also known to the anonymous Greek author who wrote The Last Days of
Alexander, which later became the source for the author of
Epitoma Mettensis
(chapters
87-123).
Others who used Onesicritus' work included Megasthenes, Euhemerus, Iambulus, perhaps also
Eratosthenes, king
Juba
II and Strabo. Some scholars claim that it was one of the sources used
by Plutarch,
Arrian
and
Dio,
though not everybody believes that all those writers read Onesicritus
themselves. I am not convinced by the opinion that Onesicritus represented Cynic historiography
and created "the Onesicritan tradition" which can later be found in the works of
Dio
of
Prusa
and
Plutarch. I also doubt whether he initiated the process of associating cynicism with world power.
In the spring of
325
ВС,
Alexander the Great reached
Musikanos'
state situated in
Sind.
He
allowed
Musikanos
to stay in power and remained in his capital for several weeks. The information
about this country we have comes first of all from Strabo, who included in his Geographica three
excerpts from Onesicritus' work Education of Alexander. The Astypalaian depicted the curiosities
of Indian nature and emphasised the fact that the extraordinary lushness of the flora and animals
that were bigger than elsewhere were the results of the high air humidity.
The inhabitants lived a very modest and healthy life, despite the abundance of everything.
That is why they lived for as many as
130
years. They did not have slaves, because all the work
was carried out by young people. The country was ruled by law, but the system of laws was not
extensive, because punishment was administered only for murder and assault. People were engaged
348
Summary
only in medicine and were not interested in other sciences. Ctesias, Nearchus and Megasthenes too
attributed similar characteristics to the people of India. This testifies to the existence of a convention
that idealised India and presented it as a country full of miracles and extraordinary phenomena.
It drew on the idealisation of nature's peoples living at the end of the known world, a convention
that appeared already in Homer's epics. That is why I believe it is a mistake to claim that One-
sicritus wanted to present
Musikanos'
country as
a utopia. Onesicritus
did not mention the fact
that
Musikanos
forsook his allegiance to Alexander and was executed together with the brahminic
advisers after the rebellion was suppressed.
We have no certain information about the time or place of birth and death of Euhemerus, or
about the place where he worked. All the proposed hypotheses are subjective and can easily be
challenged. The most probable conjecture seems to be that he came from Messina in Sicily. The
information about Euhemerus' journey from Arabia Felix to the Indian Ocean, allegedly on the
orders of Cassander, king of Macedonia, is, I believe, a literary fiction which is to make his work
seem authentic. An allusion to Euhemerus in Callimachus' first Iambus does not give us any firm
ground to place our author in a specific period. We can only say that he lived at the turn of the 4th
and
3rd
centuries
ВС
and stayed in Alexandria for some time. We cannot be sure, however, that
this was where he wrote his Sacred History
(Hiera
Anagraphe). We cannot specify either the exact
time when the work was written; all the suggested dates are hypothetical.
Euhemerus' book has not survived, but we can reconstruct it thanks to a summary in Book V of
Diodorus
Siculus' Bibliotheca and Ennius' Latin Euhemerus
sive
Sacra
historia,
fragments of which
were included by Lactantius in Book I of Divinae institutiones. That is why we have no authentic
fragments but only some
testimonia. Hiera
Anagraphë
is a Utopian novel, but we should remember
that it is
a utopia
sensu
lato
and not a political Utopia. Euhemerus described the society living on the
island of Panchaea in the Indian Ocean, referring to the old tradition describing islands located at
the end of the known world
(cf.
Homer's island of Syria, Plato's Atlantis and Hecataeus of Abdera'
Helixoia). There is no doubt that the discovery of an archipelago of islands in the Indian Ocean is
a literary fiction, a fact that already the ancients were aware of (see Eratosthenes, Apollodorus of
Athens, Strabo and Plutarch). That is why attempts at identification by modern scholars make no
sense. When describing nature on the island of Panchaea, Euhemerus used the literary convention of
locus amoenus. Therefore, I believe that the similarities in the descriptions of the natural environment
of various Utopian islands do not in any way prove that one author depended on another.
In
Hiera
Anagraphë
Euhemerus used the
Ich-Erzähhmg
narrative model. The main part of his
work was probably devoted to the description of deeds performed by Uranus, Cronus and Zeus, who
engraved them on a golden stele. We are dealing here with an original political-religious theogony
that drew on the traditional model of
theogonie
poetry. First, the author presents, in the spirit of
the sophists, the history of the emergence of culture, claiming that human life was initially primi¬
tive and resembled animal life. It was not until Zeus that cannibalism was banned, people received
rights and laws, and their customs became more tempered. Moreover, Zeus supported inventions
made by other people. Zeus' numerous travels enabled the author to present various countries and
draw the readers' attention to their monuments. Euhemerus wrote about Babylon, Syria and
Cili¬
cia,
Egypt and its pyramids, Arabia Felix, Palestine and Jews, Phoenicia,
Caria
and Rhodes, Crete
and Cyprus. He used aetiology and etymology when explaining epithets and names of gods. The
attractiveness of the work was enhanced by descriptions of the placing of people among the stars
(katasterismoi) and by the use of proverbs. The author mentions not only Olympian gods but also
heroes (Cadmus and
Harmonia).
I have rejected the hypothesis according to which
Hiera
and Panchaea were the same island.
It seems to me that Euhemerus described two completely different social and political systems.
The island of
Hiera
was a monarchy. The land was divided between the inhabitants and the king,
who held most of it and received the tithe from all crops. The economy was based on the export of
incense and myrrh. After selling these products, the inhabitants would probably buy all the goods
Summary
349
they needed, because
Hiera
had no other resources. The existence of private ownership and the
practice of individual trade must have led to social diversification on the island.
The situation was completely
different
on Panchaea. Its society was divided into three classes
and the leaders were priests who took over power after the dynasty founded by Zeus became extinct.
There was no private property, only fanners and shepherds had houses and gardens thanks to which
they could live a normal family life. The priests lived within a large
témenos,
while soldiers stayed
in strongholds. The economy was collective, because farmers and shepherds provided land produce
and animals, which were then distributed by the priests. Shared goods and collective economy are
characteristic of an archaic society. The Panchaeans were a typical closed society which maintained
no contact with the outside world and was self-sufficient. Euhemeras deliberately presented such
an archaic society so that his readers would believe more easily that the island still had the stele
containing the story of Uranus, Cronus and Zeus.
It seems to me that when writing his
Hiera
Anagraphë, Euhemerus
did not model the work
on a specific author. Like all educated Greeks, he had some information about Egypt and India,
and knew the concept of a society divided into three classes. He must have read the works of such
writers as Herodotus, Plato, Isocrates, Onesicritus, Hecataeus of Abdera or Megasthenes, but the
Panchaean society is his original creation. We can only speak of similes or literary reminiscences
but not of sources
sensu stricto.
The island of Panchaea was also the site of a temple built by Zeus when he ruled the whole
world. Though some elements of this building (massive columns and dromos) resemble Egyptian
and Doric temples, I suspect that the shrine of the Triphylian Zeus is Euhemerus' original creation.
The description of the
témenos
resembles the way nature was presented on other Utopian islands,
e.g. on Plato's Atlantis or Hecataeus of Abdera's Helixoia, but it does not prove Euhemerus' de¬
pendence on these authors, because all of the writers applied the locus amoenus convention that
was used from Homer's times until the period of the Roman Empire.
The golden stele contained an inscription in Panchaean script which resembled Egyptian
hieroglyphics. Zeus had Uranus', Cronus' and his own deeds engraved on it, and Hermes later de¬
scribed there the rule of Artemis and Apollo. It seems that the lives of rulers were the main part of
Hiera
Anagraphë.
Euhemeras' account of the discovery of the stele is well-grounded in the Greek
tradition
-
steles in temples were already mentioned by Herodotus and Plato. That is why there is
no need for us to look for Egyptian influences in Euhemerus' writing. The motif of the discovery
of a stele or a book became especially popular in the Hellenistic period and in the times of the
Roman Empire, not only among pagans but also among Jews and Gnostics.
In my opinion,
Diodorus Siculus'
account of the theologia dipertita accurately describes
Euhemerus' idea of the existence of two kinds of deities: eternal and indestructible, i.e. sun, moon
and stars, and earthly, i.e. people who were deified for their good deeds. It has to be admitted,
however, that
Diodorus
used stereotypical terms that probably were not used in
Hiera
Anagraphë.
The priests, who were once brought from Crete by Zeus himself, devote most of their time to
making sacrificial offerings and extolling the kindness of gods in hymns and encomia. However,
they also wield political power, because the judicial system as well as the distribution of crops and
animals are in their hands. The similarities to Egyptian priests are very superficial, and their position
in the Panchaean society is completely different from the position of priests in Egypt.
Modern scholars have proposed several different interpretations
οι
Hiera
Anagraphë.
Uncon¬
vincing hypotheses include, in my opinion: destruction of the belief in Olympian gods, satire on the
cult of rulers, preparation of the ground to bestow divine honours on Cassander, ideal state, promo¬
tion of the idea of unity and brotherhood of all people, and reinterpretation of Greek mythology.
On the other hand, I think it is possible that Euhemerus wanted to present the origins of religion
and, as a result, joined the debate over the cult of rulers at the beginning of the Hellenistic period.
We cannot, however, say decisively whether he only intended to explain the emergence of the cult
of rulers or whether he also wanted to justify and promote it among Greeks.
350
Summary
Hiera
Anagraphë
had a direct impact on the authors of mythological novels (Dionysius Scy-
tobrachion, Dinarchus of
Delos).
In the
3rd
century it was read by Callimachus and Eratosthenes
and in the early
2nd
century it was translated into Latin by Ennius. The Stoic Persaeus of Citium,
referring to the Sophist Prodicus, claimed that one of the seven groups of gods comprised deified
people. Other Stoics transformed Persaeus' view into a religious-historical method gladly used by
historians, authors of mythological (Hyginus) and doxographic textbooks
(Aëtius) as
well as Chris¬
tian apologists. It was often expressed in the statement that good deeds led to apotheosis, in the lists
of people venerated as gods (homines pro diis
culti) or
in the view that gods had been human (deos
homines
fuisse).
Such a stance is described by modern scholars as euhemerism, though in fact it
differs from views expressed by Euhemerus, who claimed that Olympian gods were deified people.
Stoic euhemerism was popular in Hellenistic historiography (e.g. Mnaseas of
Patara,
Nicagoras of
Cyprus, Polybius and
Diodoras Siculus),
and in the period of the Roman Empire it can be found in
the works of the
chronographer Thallus,
Philon of Byblos and Sisyphus of Cos.
Only four Greek Christian writers (Theophilus of Antioch, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius
of Caesarea and Theodoret of Cyrrhus) as well as four Latin writers (Minucius Felix, Arnobius,
Lactantius and Augustine) referred to Euhemerus, though none of them had, in fact, read
Hiera
Anagraphë
or Ennius' translation Euhemerus
sive
Sacra
historia.
Theophilus, Eusebius and Theo¬
doret regarded Euhemerus as an atheist, because they based their opinions on the doxographic
tradition that reduced the novel
Hiera
Anagraphë
to the thesis according to which Olympian gods
were deified people. Though Clement quotes a list of atheists, he does defend Euhemerus against
the accusation of atheism. Latin apologists, with the exception of Arnobius, considered Euhemerus
to be a historian, a fact that was to emphasise the reliability of his account of the gods as deified
people. Eusebius not only knew the doxographic tradition, but also cited fragments of a summary
of
Hiera
Anagraphë
included in Book VI of
Diodorus
Siculus' Bibliotheca. Other Church Fathers
used Stoic euhemerism.
Jewish authors were happy to use the euhemeristic interpretation, because it made it possible
to secularise theogony, reducing it to the history of kings, and synchronised the events from the
Old Testament with Babylonian and Greek mythology. The advocates of euhemerism must have
included Pseudo-Eupolemus, Artapanus and Theodotus as well as the author of Book III of Or
-acula
Sibyllina.
Scholars studying Iambulus have to realise that some problems cannot be solved convincingly.
These problems include: the time when the work was written, authorship (we do not know whether
Iambulus is indeed the author's name), the work's title and the authenticity of the biographic infor¬
mation included in the work. Iambulus described the Island of the Sun situated in the Indian Ocean.
It was very fertile and had a mild climate, even though it was located on the equator. Attempts to
locate this island make no sense, because we are dealing here with a literary fiction. The islands'
inhabitants lived in groups of no more that
400
people made up of relatives. Each group was led
by the oldest man whose power was that of a king. There was no institution of marriage, because
women and children were shared. People were free from the desire for privileges and lived in
harmony. They ate modestly, although there was plenty of food. Work was compulsory and only
elderly people were exempt from it. There was no specialisation, because everybody took turns
to do different jobs. The inhabitants venerated the celestial firmament, the sun and other celestial
bodies. They lived until
150,
usually free from diseases, and after reaching that age they would
voluntarily commit suicide by lying down on a plant that made them fall asleep and die. It seems
to me that Iambulus' work was not a political
utopia
that was supposed to describe a communist
society or present the Stoic ideal of society. Equally unconvincing is the view that the work was
a satire or an account of a real journey to Ceylon. In my opinion, Iambulus' work belonged to Uto¬
pian travelogues which, following Alexander the Great's conquests, placed the action in the East.
The description of Iambulus' island was influenced first of all by the literary convention of locus
amoenus, notions of the golden age and a tendency to idealise nature's peoples. The quotations and
Summary
351
reminiscences from earlier authors were of secondary importance. Any influence of Iambulus' work
on Aristonicus who, as Eumenes III, tried to seize power in the Attalid state in
133
ВС
is, in my
opinion, completely unlikely. On the other hand, the work was known to and parodied by
Lucian
in Verae
históriáé,
and its summary preserved in
Diodorus Siculus'
Bibliotheca inspired in modern
times Thomas More* and, first of all, Tommaso
Campanella,
author of Civitas
Solis.
Uranopolis was founded by Alexarchus on the
Athos
peninsula ca
316
ВС.
The founding of
the city was probably inspired by Cassander, who in the same period founded two other poleis
-
Kassandreia and Thessalonike. Uranopolis had an important strategic function, defending the
coast of Chalcidice and served as
а
pendant to Kassandreia situated on the west coast of the penin¬
sula. Uranopolis was thus an ordinary city which emerged as a result of synoikismos, a fact con¬
firmed by the large circumference of the city walls (thirty stadia). It could not have been a conscious
attempt to create a political
utopia.
We know nothing about the city's political system or about its
social structure. Moreover, it is a mystery to us what role Alexarchus himself served in the city,
because Clement of Alexandria regarded him not as a ruler but as a private individual. Alexarchus
regarded himself as Helios and wore the god's costume, because he was part of the divine retinue
of Menecrates of Syracuse, a physician who cured him of epilepsy. We cannot, however, regard
him either as a schizophrenic, a madman or a clown.
The inhabitants may have spoken Macedonian and Greek, and certainly did not know the
language devised by Alexarchus, because already in Antiquity a letter written in this language and
sent to the leaders of Kassandreia was deemed completely incomprehensible. People living in the
city used ordinary coins with images of Philip II and Alexander the Great. Only at the very begin¬
ning the city minted a short series of original silver and copper coins with images of celestial bodies
and Celestial Aphrodite. This goddess might have been venerated earlier in Thrace. In addition,
Paionians, who were Macedonians' neighbours, venerated Helios, which may also have contributed
to the cult of Celestial Aphrodite. Moreover, I believe that the cult of the sun in Uranopolis was in
no way connected with the works of Euhemeras and Iambulus, which mention the cult of celestial
bodies, or with Aristonicus, who called his supporters
Hëliopolitai
in
132
ВС.
*
See, for instance,
Süssmuth, Studien zur
Utopia
(1967), 61-67.
On the other hand, Mendels, Hellenistic Utopias
(1979), 207-222,
seems to be wrong in saying that Iambulus' work had an influence on the way of life of the Qumran com¬
munity.
SPIS TREŚCI
Przedmowa
. 7
I. Utopia antyczna
. 13
1.
Termin „utopia"
. 13
2.
Historia badań nad utopią antyczną
. 14
3.
Próby definicji i klasyfikacji utopii
. 16
4.
Przyczyny powstawania utopii
. 23
5.
Utopie w świecie greckim
. 24
A. Rys historyczny
. 24
B. Cechy utopii
. 30
6.
Problem realizacji utopii
. 31
7.
Wpływ utopii na zmiany społeczne
. 35
II.
Teopomp z
Chios
. 37
1.
Stan zachowania, forma i źródła ekskursu o Meropidzie
. 37
2.
Próby interpretacji
. 44
A. Interpretacja alegoryczna
. 44
B. Interesująco opowiedziany mit
. 45
С
Krytyka lub parodia dialogów platońskich
. 46
D. Utopia
. 47
E. Nowa interpretacja
. 48
III. Hekatajos z Abdery
. 50
1.
Życie i twórczość
. 50
2.
Stan zachowania i forma utworu O Hyperborejczykach
. 53
3.
Wyspa Heliksoja
. 56
4.
Źródła utworu
. 59
A. Źródła prawdopodobne
. 59
B. Źródła wątpliwe
. 63
5.
Próby interpretacji utworu
. 67
6.
Znajomość dzieła Hekatąjosa
. 69
IV.
Onesikritos z Astypalai
. 72
1.
Życie
. 72
2.
Dzieło Wychowanie Alebandra
. 82
A. Tytuł i stan zachowania utworu
. 82
B. Czas powstania
. 84
С
Charakter utworu
. 86
D. Źródła utworu
. 89
E. Znajomość utworu w starożytności
. 92
354
Spis
tresei
3.
Kraj
Musikanosa
w Indiach
. 96
A. Źródła opisu
. 97
B. Opis kraju
. 100
C. Wiarygodność relacji
. 103
D. Próba interpretacji
. 106
V.
Euhemer z Messeny
. 109
1.
Życie
. 109
A. Datowanie
. 109
B. Miejsce urodzenia
. 113
C. Miejsce działalności
. 114
D. Euhemer w tradycji antycznej
. 115
1 )
Geograf
. 115
2)
Historyk
. 116
3)
Filozof-ateista
. 116
4)
Poeta
. 117
2.
Święta historia
(Hiera
Anagraphe) Euhemera
. 118
A. Stan zachowania utworu
. 118
B. Interpretacja tytułu
. 119
C. Czas powstania utworu
. 119
D. Forma literacka utworu
. 120
1)
Idealna wyspa
. 120
2)
Locus amoenus
. 123
3)
Powieść utopijna
. 124
4)
Zastosowana metoda
. 125
3.
Społeczeństwo i gospodarka w
Hiera
Anagraphe
. 127
A. Wyspa
Hiera
. 127
B.
Wyspa Panchaja
. 128
C. Dlaczego nie należy identyfikować wyspy
Hiera
z Panchaja?
. 133
D. „Źródła" opisu społeczeństwa i gospodarki
. 135
4.
Sanktuarium Zeusa na wyspie Panchaja
. 139
A. Świątynia
i témenos
. 139
B. Stela
w świątyni
. 141
C.
Kapłani Zeusa Trifylijskiego
. 146
5.
Próba interpretacji
Hiera Anagraphe
. 147
A. Zniszczenie wiary w bogów olimpijskich
. 147
B. Satyra na kult władców
. 149
C. Usprawiedliwienie lub propagowanie kultu władców
. 149
D. Idealny ustrój państwowy
. 151
E. Wyjaśnienie genezy wiary w bogów
. 152
F. Propagowanie idei jedności i braterstwa wszystkich ludzi
. 153
G. Reinterpretacja mitologii greckiej
. 154
H. Podsumowanie
. 155
6.
Znajomość
Hiera
Anagraphe w starożytności
. 156
A. Znajomość bezpośrednia
. 156
B. Znajomość pośrednia
. 159
VI.
Jambulos
. 162
1.
Stan zachowania utworu
. 162
2.
Problem autorstwa
. 163
Spis tresci
355
3.
Treść utworu
. 164
A.
Itinerarium Jambulosa
. 164
B.
Opis wyspy
. 165
C.
Opis społeczeństwa
. 165
4.
Źródła utworu
. 166
5.
Filozofia stoicka a utwór Jambulosa
. 168
6.
Identyfikacja wyspy
. 169
A. Sumatra
. 169
B. Cejlon
(=
Taprobane)
. 170
С
Bali
. 170
D. Sokotra
(=
Dioskurida)
. 171
E. Madagaskar
. 171
7.
Interpretacja utworu
. 171
A. Utopia polityczna
. 171
B. Utopijna powieść podróżnicza
. 172
C. Utwór o charakterze satyrycznym
. 172
D. Opis literacki rzeczywistej podróży
. 173
8.
Datowanie utworu
. 175
9.
Symbolika liczb w utworze Jambulosa
(„7"
i
„4"). 176
10.
Książka Jambulosa a powstanie Aristonikosa w Pergamonie
. 177
VII. Uranopolis
Aleksarcha
. 182
1.
Życie Aleksarcha
. 182
2.
Uranopolis
w Macedonii
. 184
A. Przyczyny i czas założenia miasta
. 184
B. Lokalizacja
. 185
C. Charakter miasta
. 186
3.
Uranopolis
w Kabalii
. 192
VIII.
Podsumowanie
. 195
Appendix
I. Przekład ważniejszych utopii hellenistycznych
. 205
1.
Meropida w
Philippika
Teopompa.
205
2.
Wyspa Heliksoja w dziele O Hyperborejczykach Hekatajosa z Abdery
. 206
3.
Kraj
Musikanosa
w Indiach w utworze Wychowanie Aleksandra Onesikritosa
. 208
4.
Wyspa Panchaja w dziele Święta historia Euhemera
. 210
5.
Wyspa Słońca Jambulosa w Bibliotece historycznej
Diodora
Sycylijskiego
. 216
Appendix
II.
Motywy utopijne w literaturze antycznej
. 221
I. Przyroda
. 221
A. Łagodny klimat
. 221
B. Wieczna wiosna
. 223
С
Ziemia wydaje plony samorzutnie
. 223
D. Źródła i rzeki płynące winem, mlekiem, miodem, nektarem i zupą
. 225
11.
Cechy ludzi
. 226
A. Długie życie
. 226
B. Wysoki wzrost
. 229
C. Brak
chorób
. 230
D. Pobożność
. 231
E. Przebywanie bogów wśród ludzi (theoksenia)
. 232
F. Sprawiedliwość
. 233
356
Spis
tresei
III.
Sposób życia ludzi
. 235
A. Wspólnota dóbr
. 235
B. Wspólnota kobiet
. 237
C. Brak niewolnictwa
. 239
D. Prostota życia
. 240
E. Zgoda i pokój w życiu. Brak wojen
. 241
Appendix
III. Wyspy utopijne w literaturze antycznej
. 242
Addenda
. 246
Wykaz skrótów
. 250
Bibliografia
. 254
A. Wydania
. 254
B. Opracowania
. 264
Indeks imion
. 311
Indeks nazw geograficznych i etnicznych
. 317
Indeks rzeczowy
. 322
Indeks źródeł
. 325
Spis ilustracji
. 344
Summary
. 345 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Winiarczyk, Marek 1947- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1016944756 |
| author_facet | Winiarczyk, Marek 1947- |
| author_role | aut |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV039129394 |
| classification_rvk | CD 1610 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)741009725 (DE-599)GBV645073733 |
| discipline | Philosophie |
| format | Book |
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| geographic_facet | Griechenland Altertum |
| id | DE-604.BV039129394 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-01-29T09:01:34Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788322931400 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024147779 |
| oclc_num | 741009725 |
| open_access_boolean | |
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| owner_facet | DE-29 DE-12 DE-188 |
| physical | 356 S. Ill., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis |
| series2 | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis : Antiquitas Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis |
| spelling | Winiarczyk, Marek 1947- Verfasser (DE-588)1016944756 aut Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej Marek Winiarczyk Utopias in hellenistic Greece Wrocław Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego 2010 [erschienen] 2011 356 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis : Antiquitas 32 Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3229 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Utopias in hellenistic Greece Utopie (DE-588)4041251-9 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland Altertum (DE-588)4093976-5 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland Altertum (DE-588)4093976-5 g Utopie (DE-588)4041251-9 s DE-604 Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis Antiquitas ; 32 (DE-604)BV002538887 32 Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3229 (DE-604)BV004668106 3229 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024147779&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024147779&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Winiarczyk, Marek 1947- Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis Utopie (DE-588)4041251-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4041251-9 (DE-588)4093976-5 |
| title | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej |
| title_alt | Utopias in hellenistic Greece |
| title_auth | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej |
| title_exact_search | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej |
| title_full | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej Marek Winiarczyk |
| title_fullStr | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej Marek Winiarczyk |
| title_full_unstemmed | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej Marek Winiarczyk |
| title_short | Utopie w Grecji hellenistycznej |
| title_sort | utopie w grecji hellenistycznej |
| topic | Utopie (DE-588)4041251-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Utopie Griechenland Altertum |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024147779&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024147779&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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