Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja: prema pisanim izvorima
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2010
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| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020625853&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020625853&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | PST: Lexicon of towns and market places in the medieval Serban lands. - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Medieval Serbian towns and market places |
| Umfang: | 362 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788617166043 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | Садржај
Аутори
7
Списак одредница
8
Предговор
9
С.
Мишић,
Градови и тргови срйског
средњег
века
11
Ј. Мргић,
Преглед
историографије
о
средњовековним
градовима,
тврђавама
и трговима срйских
земаља
15
Одреднице Б
—
Ш
23
Ѕ.
Mišić,
Medieval
Serbian towns and marketplaces
321
J.
Mrgić,
Survey ofhistoriography on the medieval towns,
fortresses and marketplaces in the Serbian lands
325
Скраћенице
извора
и литературе
333
Извори
337
Литература
343
Siniša Mišić
MEDIEVAL
SERBIAN TOWNS AND MARKET PLACES
A concept of town (Serb,
grad)
in the Middle Ages has manifold interpretations. First of all, it refers to a
settlement with a fortress, enclosed by ramparts, including its primary administrative function. Along with the
growth of economy, there emerged towns with a distinctive economic function, so those were often referred to as
marketplaces
(Novo Brdo),
although market place (Serb,
trg;
Lat.
mercatum) was just a part of such settlements. A
market place would often develop under the battlements of the fortress, in which case it was referred to as
suburhium (Serb, podgradje). Since the 15th century, simultaneously with those words, a term
varoš
(from
Hungarian,
vár)
was used.
In the medieval Serbian lands there were several types of urban settlements. Depending on the degree of
economic activity and the administrative significance, a town would primarily have the function of a fortress, or
else a role of a significant economic, demographic and urban centre. A settlement with developed economic
functions used to have a developed suburbium, which included a market place. Such settlement was a town in an
full extent of the meaning of the word, while regarding the former type we could, primarily, speak of a fortress
with a basic military function.
A town usually developed in a suitable place: on a cliff, above the river, at the confluence of two rivers, on
important thoroughfares, with reinforced fortification in less protected parts. The main gate would usually
comprise a part of the main (donjon) tower (Golubac,
Jajce, Bobovac).
Residential objects within the town were
usually made of wood, with the exception of the ruler s palace. In the lower town, as a central part, there was a
market place
(Novo Brdo, Fojnica,
Srebrenica), with a church (Fojnica, Sutjeska), or a public well (Fojnica). It was
where the public and commercial life was going on. Around the market place the traders would build their houses
and open their shops. In the market place, or nearby, the buildings would be erected that were used as customs
houses (Prizren,
Borac),
and in larger settlements there were actual inns. The towns also used to have craftsman
workshops, of which the majority were blacksmith workshops, while there was a mention of a slaughterhouse in
one instance.
The towns in coastal region
(Primorje)
had their districts in which town laws would apply. The size of the
district depended on economic and political power of the town. The largest were the districts of
Kotor
and
Skadar, and smaller of
Budva
and Bar. In the mainland, the city had its metohion
—
town lands. That would be the
agrarian surroundings of the town which would reach the boundaries of the closest village territory. In the case of
Prizren, it would reach the length of two to five kilometres. In the metohion, the town residents would have their
fields, vineyards, orchards. The existence of the metohion confirms the agrarian function of the town. Beside
Prizren, town metohion was also notified in the written sources for
Niš,
Prokuplje and some other towns.
The development of mining in Serbia and Bosnia gave huge impulse of town growth and the process of
urbanization in general. In the mining regions new settlements sprung where trade and crafts were dealt in. There
was a general increase of trade, in which the major role had the residents of
Dubrovnik.
The mining settlements
were strongly influenced by the German immigrants
—
Saxons (Serb.
Sasi),
which had already by the mid 14th
century been extensively subjected to the process of Serbification.
Dubrovnik
financed mining production and its
321
Siniša Mišić
residents dealt with trading in the mining settlements. They formed their colonies in
Novo Brdo, Trepča,
Janjevo, Srebrenica, Fojnica, Rudnik, Krupanj, Bohorina, Zajača, Plana.
Besides the residents of
Dubrovnik,
until
the sixth decade of the 14th century, the residents of
Kotor
were also present. In the towns, besides traders, there
were all sorts of craftsmen: blacksmiths, tailors, shoemakers, furriers, butchers, carpenters, saddle-makers,
hat-makers, gunmakers, candlemakers, women bakers, stonemasons. Craftsmen would live in the suburbium
and had their organizations led by the foreman. During the second half of the 14th and in the 15th century at the
foot of certain fortresses suburbs were formed, especially along important travel routes (Podbiograd,
Podvrabač).
The oldest urban settlements in the Serbian lands were mentioned as the inhabited towns in the work of
the Byzantine Emperor
Constantine
VII
Porphyrogenitus
De administrando
imperii (DAI). In
the Serbian
coastal lands (Duklja, Travunija, Zahumlje, Paganija) the majority of these towns were possible to locate (Duklja,
Trebinje, Blagaj, Ston, Makarska),
while in the continental Serbia, the location and identification of these
settlements is considerably more complicated. Only Salines (Soli
—
Tuzla)
and Dostinik (Drsnik upon
Klina)
could be located with certainty. Those towns for sure were not the only urban settlements, particularly not in
Serbia; however, they might possibly represent the administrative centres and the most important strongholds in
the country. The destiny of those centres was such that they for the most part could not survive through the 12th
century, and even if some had
(Ston, Blagaj,
Trebinje), their role was not so significant any more, or they were
degraded into village settlements
(Ošije
and Glumine in Hum). After the 12th century, new urban settlements
and strongholds would appear, while in the east there survived a number of towns of antique or early Byzantine
origins
(Niš,
Prizren, Lipljan, Skoplje). The same could be stated for coastal towns in Duklja, that were founded
upon antique origins (Skadar, Bar,
Ulcinj, Budva, Kotor).
Since the 12th century, along with the increase of trade and crafts, urban centres gradually continued to
develop in the Serbian lands. In the eastern parts there happened a relatively prompt resuscitation of urban
centres following the Byzantine re-occupation in
1018.
The towns appeared in new attire and very often under a
new name
(Beograd, Braničevo,
Niš).
In the west, that process had not begun yet, so there were differences
regarding the degree of urbanisation. With the arrival of Saxons (Serb.
Sasi)
by the mid 13th century, and with the
strong advancement of mining production, urbanisation of Serbia and Bosnia would gain new speed. According
to the way they had been founded and to the degree of development of urban government, Serbian medieval
urban settlements could be grouped into several categories.
The first group comprises towns in
Primorje
and
Zeta,
with antique origins and the communal
management similar to the Italian communes. They were characterized by a high degree of autonomy with
regards to central government. The degree of autonomy was directly related to the economic power of the town,
thus
Kotor,
being economically strongest, had the most developed autonomy. At the head of the town
government was the Council of the Rightful Citizens, while a count would be a representative of the Serbian
sovereign. Besides
Kotor,
this group of towns includes Skadar, Bar,
Budva,
Ulcinj, Drivast, Danj,
Sarda,
Cavtat
and
Ston.
Another common feature was that all of these towns were old Christian centres and Episcopal seats,
even
Archiépiscopal
when Bar was concerned.
The second group comprises towns that used to be Byzantine, but were conquered by the Serbs in the
meantime. Those also have antique or early Byzantine origins, and were characterized by absolute non-existence
of self-government. These towns were ruled by the sovereign by means of his local representative of the
government
—
kephalia, which was a title taken over from Byzantium. This group includes the following towns:
Prizren, Skoplje,
Štip,
Lipljan,
Veles,
Velbužd,
Niš
and other.
The third group of urban settlements is made of those the management and the formation of which were
influenced by the Saxons and the development of mining. Not all mining settlements had identical communal
government. In larger mines
(Novo Brdo,
Srebrenica) town affairs were managed by a council of twelve citizens
(purgari
<
Germ.
Burgern). Such
councils were also established in Fojnica,
Olovo
and
Zvonik (Zvornik). Novo
322
Medieval
Serbian Towns and Market Places
Brdo
had its town constitution (Serb,
zakon gradski),
while Srebrenica had a town seal and a special mining law.
In these towns the sovereign was represented by a voyvoda and a count. Besides already mentioned, this group of
settlements also comprises
Brskovo, Rudnik, Trepča, Janjevo,
Plana, Belasica,
Krupanj, Lipnik, Kreševo
and
other.
Mining
settlements reached the peak of their development after
1430,
when there was a sudden increase of
the production of silver and gold. The ascension did not last likewise, namely, with the first fall of the Despotate
(1439),
there was stagnation, while after
1444
there was a short-lived rebound, however, the mines in Serbia
would never again reach the earlier level of development. By mid 15th century, the trade moved towards the
north-east of Serbia, into Serbian Podrinje (Krupanj,
Zajača,
Lipnik), as well as towards the north, where a special
significance was given to Smederevo, where after
1445
there was the strongest
Dubrovnik
colony. They had their
shops in the town, where they traded in textile, jewellery, guns, and hides. There were also
Dubrovnik
craftsmen
in town.
The fourth group of towns is consisted of robust strongholds erected in strategically important places.
They often had a complete non-existence of the economic function, or it was considered less important. In some
of such strongholds, in the 14th and 15th centuries the suburb developed as a centre of economic activity. One of
the oldest Serbian fortified towns was
Ras,
near today s
Novi Pazar,
which was taken over from the Byzantium by
the Serbs. This group comprises
Zvečan,
Brvenik, Golubac and a number of towns in Bosnia (Soko, Vranduk,
Biograd, Visući).
Related to this group, by its function, are a number of strongholds appearing in the 14th and
15th centuries, as a reaction to the disintegration of central government and the threat by the Ottomans. A large
number of such strongholds were built in Bosnia: Soko at the confluence of
Piva
and
Tara,
the capital town of
Kosaca
family, and towns in Polimlje
(Mileševac,
Kovin, Dob run and other). In Serbia, similar to those are
Borac,
Češtin,
Uzice, Lipovac,
Petrus.
Most of these strongholds were abandoned upon the arrival of the Ottomans.
There the military commander had the highest both civil and military authority, while in some of these fortresses,
with the exception of the military crew, there were almost no residents, particularly in smaller strongholds.
The fifth group comprises the urban settlements which had developed lastly and independently,
ex novo,
since the time of the count
Lazar,
above all the ruler s seats of
Lazarević
and
Branković
families. The first in this
group would be
Kruševac,
the ruler s seat of count
Lazar.
There is also Smederevo, another Serbian ruler s seat
from the time of Despot
Đurađ Vuković (Branković).
This group also includes
Stalać, Koprijan,
Lesko
vac,
Prokuplje, as well as
Beograd
in the time of Despot Stefan
Lazarević.
These towns had to meet the military
requirements of the time, yet they also represented economic centres of their land and beyond. Some of those
attained a high level of urbanization. It must be stated that this division into groups should be taken loosely, as
there are urban settlements that could belong to several groups; however, one characteristic of theirs was more
prominent from the aspect of their historical development.
With the military advancement of the Ottoman Empire and upon introduction of fire arms, the methods
of conducting wars had changed. Towns had to be fortified accordingly, regardless of their origins and the
organization of government. Monumental towers and battlements encompassed
Novo Brdo, Stalać, Kruševac,
Ravanica,
and later
Beograd, Resava and Smederevo.
In Bosnia, fortifications were erected in Bobovac,
Visoki,
Vranduk, Srebrenica,
Jajce.
A fortified town, as a rule, had to have two sections. The first, smaller part was the
inner town (Serb,
kula),
which was the last point of defence. That was the highest tower
(stup)
of the town
(donjon). The battlements began to increase in both width (in Resava by three and a half metres), and height (in
Beograd
by seven, and in Resava by a considerable eleven metres). In the small upper town, enclosed by the
strongest walls there would be a ruler s court
(Kruševac,
Bobovac,
Jajce, Beograd,
Smederevo) or that of a
nobleman
(Stalać, Soko, Dobrun, Lipovac).
The second part was the outer, lower town, frequently enclosed by
ramparts only. A better fortified lower town would be provided with towers as well (Smederevo,
Novo Brdo),
and
there would be situated a market place, where commercial life of the town would go on.
323
Siniša Mišić
A
special
group of settlements in medieval Serbian Lands are marketplaces. The distinction should be
made between a market place as a type of settlement and a market place within a town or in a suburbium, as a
central place where public and commercial life was going on. The emergence of the market place, as an open-type
settlement, is related to gathering for the purpose of trading in one place on a defined day of the year or a week.
There were market places all over the lands back in the 12th century (Drijeva,
Velika
Носа,
Kninac), while the
best known were Drijeva upon
Neretva
and
Sveti Srđ
upon
Bojana,
where salt trading took place with customs on
salt
(китегк
solski).
There were also small market places that developed from village settlements
(Kruševo,
Tornik,
Četvrtko
viste,
Subotica).
Market place was an open-type settlement with no battlements and walls. With the arrival of Saxons and
the development of mining a development of trade began, and numerous market places appeared. Along the
roads leading from the mainland to the Adriatic, above all towards
Dubrovnik
and
Kotor,
a number of market
places emerged, while at the base of fortresses there developed suburbs functioning as market places. In
important market places colonies were formed of
Dubrovnik
traders as permanent settlements (Drijeva,
Носа).
In almost every mining settlement a market place was developed.
Dubrovnik
residents kept inhabiting some
mining settlements
(Novo Brdo,
Srebrenica), where they built their houses. There was a rise of towns along
important thoroughfares (Zvornik). On the
Drina
road, in upper Podrinje, there occurred a rapid development
of
Носа,
which was mentioned in
1366
both as a market place and a caravan station; it was in the same way that
Goražde
developed as well
(1376).
As smaller market places Ustikolina,
Tjentište
and
Černica
were developed.
Further along this road, Pljevlja were developed, as well as Prijepolje in Polimlje, as the most important market
place and caravan station. It was first mentioned as a market place in
1343,
yet the beginnings should be traced
back to the time of foundation of the monastery
Mileševa.
In Polimlje, a number of smaller market places and
caravan stations were developed
(Breza, Lim, Komarani,
Budimba).
In central Bosnia Podvisoki developed as an economic centre, owing to the proximity of
Kreševo
and
Fojnica that progressed hastily in 15th century, with a colony of
Dubrovnik
residents including some
365
members. In
Vrhbosna
a market place evolved under the name of Tornik
(<
Serb, utornik, Tuesday), as well as
Četvrtkovište
(<
Thursday, today s Bijeljina) in Semberija. Close to the medieval Tornik, in the Ottoman time, a
new urban settlement would develop
—
Trgovište
(Sarajevo).
In Serbia market places also developed along towns as suburbs, within mining centres, and also, owing to
the development and increase of trading, along important travel routes. Besides Prizren and
Novo Brdo,
in this
region
Priština
was developed as a significant trading centre. In 15th century, there appeared a number of new
market places, such as: Parakinov
Brod, Jagodina, Valjevo
and other.
The expansion of urban settlements and market places contributed to swift urbanization of Serbian
lands. In some towns (Prizren,
Novo Brdo,
and Srebrenica) noticeable was a beginning of formation of a new
class of urban population which was different from feudal lords and serfs. This process and the development of
Serbian towns, followed by the process of urbanisation, were interrupted by the establishment of the Ottoman
rule. During the process of conquest, they destroyed most of the towns, and those that they did keep, they
transformed by settling the Muslim population. Serbian town as such lost it original features and started to
resemble a typical oriental town type. Less and less Serbs lived in it. Due to such processes, the Serbs met 19th
century as an agrarian, rural society, with town as a foreign element within the society, inhabited by the Turks.
324
Jelena
Mrgić
SURVEY OF HISTORIOGRAPHY ON THE MEDIEVAL TOWNS,
FORTRESSES AND MARKET PLACES IN THE SERBIAN LANDS
Two decades have passed since the last critical survey of the urban settlement research and urbanization
process in the Serbian lands was published. The author was
Sima
Ćirković,
a historian that contributed greatly to
constitute this subject as a separate field of research. Most of the inadequacies and problems which were
perceived in that paper are still on agenda today, for instance the weak presence of our scientific work within a
wider regional and European historiography,
ι
The reason for this might be found partly in the fact that the works
of the domestic historians have mostly been written in our mother, Serbian, tongue, thus being intended, in the
first instance, for the domestic expert audience. This situation has only begun to change gradually. In the same
collection of papers from the conference, the last in the series of the scholarly gatherings dedicated to the urban
life complexities in the Balkans,2 the important contributions to the discussion were made by other distinguished
medievalists as well. They approached the aspects of the Byzantine urban heritage and its reception in the
medieval Serbian lands, further, spatial organization of the town and its agrarian surroundings, the structure of
urban population and town government.3
Three decades ago Desanka
Kovačević-Kojić
wrote a fundamental work about medieval Bosnian towns
(1978)
upon a wide heuristic scope, and it still remains unparalleled. As far as the medieval Serbia is concerned,
we still lack such a reference work.4 Her most important papers concerning settlements and relating issues have
recently been republished in a book entitled Urban Life in Serbia and Bosnia (XIV-XV centuries)
(ŽOOľ).5
These
research papers should serve to the future scholars as an epitome of a precise analysis and multi-layered
interpretation of the archival material.6 On the basis of the copious sources from the State Archives in
Dubrovnik,
1
S.
Ćirković, Urbanizacija kao tema srpske istoriografije
[Urbanization as a subject of the Serbian historiography], in:
Socijalna
struktura srpskih gradskih naselja
(XII-XVIII veka)
[Social structure of the Serbian urban settlements], Papers from the conference held
in Smederevo on November
23
and
24, 1990,
Smederevo
—
Belgrade
1992, 9-19.
In his text,
Ćirković
presented the main outlines of
urban studies, from its beginnings in the
1
9th century until
1990.
See: Idem,
Sviluppo e arretratezza nella penisola balcanica fra il
Xlii
e il
XVI
secolo, in: Sviluppo e sottosviluppo in Europa e fuori d Europa dal secolo
Xlii
alla rivoluzione industriale. Atti
dela
„Decima
settimana di Studio , Firenze
1983, 291-311;
Idem,
Unfulfilled Autonomy: Urban
Society in
Serbia and Bosnia, in: Urban Society of
Eastern Europe in Pre-modern Times,
ed.
В.
Krekić,
Berkeley
—
Los Angeles
—
London
1987,158-184.
2
La ville balkanique (XVe-XVIIIe siècles),
ed. N.
Todorov,
Institut
ďetudes
balkaniques
—
Academie
Bulgare des sciences, Sofia
1970;
La culture urbaine des Balkans (XVe-XIXe siècles), éd.
N.
Tasić
—
V. Han,
Institut des
etudes
balkaniques
—
Academie
Serbe des
sciences et des arts, Belgrade
—
Paris
1991.
3
J.
Kalić,
Sloveni
i vizantijsko urbano nasleđe
[Slavs and the Byzantine urban heritage], in: Social structure,
21-34;
D.
Kovačević-Kojić, Društvena struktura rudarskih gradova
[Social structure of the mining towns],
ibid., 35-50;
M.
Blagojević, Grad i župa
—
međe gradskog društva
[Town and its county
—
boundaries of urban society],
ibid., 67-84;
R.
Ćuk, „Kolonije u srpskim
srednjovekovnim gradovima
[ Colonies in the medieval Serbian towns],
ibid., 85-96;
Lj.
Maksimović, Poznovizantijskigrad
—
slom
ili
renesansa jednog srednjovekovnog društva [Late
Byzantine town -The fall or the renaissance of a medieval society],
ibid., 97-112;
R.
Mihaljčić, Graduprelomnom razdoblju
[Town in a time of crises
], ibid., 113-124;
A. Veselinović, Vladarsko i komunalno u gradovima
Despotovine
[Regalian and municipal in the towns of the Serbian Despotate],
ibid., 125-138.
4
D.
Kovačević-Kojić, Gradska naselja srednjovjekovne Bosne
[Urban settlements of the medieval Bosnia], Sarajevo
1978.
5
Eadem,
Gradski život u Srbiji i Bosni
(XIV-XV
vijek), Istorijski institut
—
Beograd
2008.
6
See·
M
Veso
Naselja srednjovjekovne bosanske države
[Settlements of the medieval Bosnian state], Sarajevo
1957;
P.
Živković,
Bibliografija objavljenih izvora i literature
о
srednjovjekovnoj Bosni
[Bibliography of the published sources and literature on the
325
Jelena
Mrgić
Siniša Mišić
authored a monograph The Land of Hum in the Middle Ages
(1994),
in which he presented data on
numerous urban settlements in the region.? Upon the same heuristic grounds
Đuro Tošić
reconstructed the
history of medieval salt market place of Drijeva upon
Neretva
River
(1987)
and that of The Region ofTrebinje,
previously known as Travunija (1998).8
Regarding archaeological explorations, there is a need for a comprehensive overall study as well as
scholarly reference tool for the research of the medieval material culture of Serbia. It should be a work resembling
in methodology and approach the well-known The Archaeological Lexicon of Bosnia and Herzegovina I-III
(1998).
The results published in the two volumes of series Archaeological Sites in Serbia
(1953, 1956)
have since
long been surpassed; moreover, these volumes succeeded to cover just a part of the territory of Serbia. Recently,
two more archaeological and architectural studies of the medieval towns and castles in Bosnia and Herzegovina
have been published, as well as the study on Sarajevo in the 15th century.9
Miloš Antonović
dealt in his research
with the issue of the towns with their hinterland on the territory of medieval
Zeta
and northern Albania,
stretching from
Kotor
to
Lješ
(2003).
10 For the purpose of this Lexicon, the work by Ivan
Mikulčic
(1996)
was
very useful, since it gives a good overview of the available sources and literature for the region of north Macedonia
with towns included in the territory of Serbia of king
Milutin,
stretching to the
Ohrid
—
Prilep
—
Štip
borderline.11 We have to mention a very specific register of towns according to the folk poems of the Balkans:
Towns in Christian and Muslim epics.12
Medieval urbanization was based upon the increase of the number of urban settlements, which
developed numerous economic activities other than agricultural, i.e. food production: crafts, trade, diverse
service provision, transport, to name only a significant few. The urban centres were inseparable from their rural
surroundings, both in regards to the exchange of goods and services, and especially in regards of their
demographic development and sustainability. The issue of Serbian medieval urban settlements has drawn the
attention of not only historians, but all sorts of experts in various fields. Historians of law, art and architecture,
historical geographers and anthropo-geographers, philologists, archaeologists and ethnologists made various
contributions, and yet remained more or less within the limits of their own fields of expertise (i.e.
Fachbereiche).
Unfortunately, an association for urban studies was never constituted, although this research field is
interdisciplinary in its essence.13 Observing the development of our historiography so far, one can notice that the
medieval Bosnia], Sarajevo
1982;
E.
Kurtović, Historiografska literatura
о
srednjovjekovnoj Bosni objavljena u zemlji i inostranstvu
(1980-1998) [Historiographie
literature
on the Medieval Bosnia Published in the Country and Abroad
( 1980-1998)],
Prilozi Instituta
za
istoriju
29
(Sarajevo
2000) 49-88.
Unfortunately, the conference volume
Urbano biće Bosne i Hercegovine
[Urban essence of Bosnia and
Hercegovina],
Sarajevo
1996,
we could not obtain.
7
S.
Mišić, Humska zemlja u srednjem
veku,
Beograd
1996.
8
Đ. Tošić, Trg Drijeva u srednjem vijeku, Sarajevo
1987;
idem, Trebinjska oblast u srednjem vijeku, Beograd
1998.
9
A. Ratković, Srednjovjekovni gradovi u Bosni i Hercegovini
[Medieval
towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina],
Mostar
2005;
H.
Redžić, Srednjovjekovni gradovi Bosne i Hercegovine
[Medieval towns of Bosnia and Herzegovina], Sarajevo
2009;
V.
Mušeta-Aščerić,
Sarajevo
i njegova okolina u
XV
stoljeću
—
između istoka i zapada [Sarajevo
and its environs in the 15th century
—
between the East and
the West], Sarajevo
2005.
10
M.
Antonović, Grad i župa u Zetskom primorju i severnoj Albaniji u
XIV
i
XV
veku
[Town and county in the coastal region of
Zeta
and northern Albania],
Beograd
2003.
11
1. Mikulčic,
Srednovekovnite
gradovi i
tvrdini
vo Makedonia
[Medieval towns and fortresses in Macedonia], Skopje
1996.
12
M.
Detelić
—
A. Loma
—
I. Pavlovic,
Gradovi u hrišćanskoj i muslimanskoj epici, Multimedia CD ROM, Institute
for
Balkanology: Belgrade
2004;
M.
Detelić, Epski gradovi
—
Leksikon, Beograd
2007.
13
Cf.:
R.
Paddison, Studying Cities, in: Handbook of Urban Studies, SAGE Publications,
2001,
<http://sage-ereference.com/hdbk
_urban/Article_nl.html>. Number of scientific organizations dedicated to urban studies has increased, and we shall name only a few:
International Commission for the History of Towns (ICHT, http://www.historiaurbium.org), European Association for Urban History
(EAUH, founded in
1989),
holds biannual conferences with a comparative, pan-European approach: Urban Europe in Comparative
Prospective (8th Conference, Stockholm
2006);
Comparative History of European Cities (9th Conference,
Lyon 2008),
City and Society in
European History (10th Conference, Ghent
2010,
see: <http://www2.historia.su.se/urbanhistory/eauh/index.htm>). For the German
cultural area, see:
Institut
fur
Vergleichende Stadteforschung, Universität Munster
(<http://www.uni-muenster.de
/Staedtegeschichte/Publikationen/IStG-Publikationen.pdfe), and
Arbeitkreis
fur
genetische Siedlungsvorschung in Mitteleuropa
326
Survey of Historiography
proliferation of the knowledge primarily rested upon the achievements of the individuals. The research has been
conducted without the creation of some ruling paradigms, which would reflect new trends of thinking in social
sciences, and largely without the influence from the international scientific production. Common enterprises
have been made through occasional scientific gatherings and collections of conference papers, the projects
conducted by national academies and scientific research institutions, and also in the form of historical
monographs, about which more shall be said in the text to follow.
Texts concerning the analysis of the settlement categories and their classification, that is, terminology
and typology, or better yet variety of urban settlement types, are hugely important for medieval urban studies;
however, such theoretical and conceptual works are still very scarce in the domestic scholarly production. Many
years after
Stojan
Novaković
(1892),
Pavao Anđelić
tried to develop a classification of urban settlements in the
medieval Bosnian state from an economic aspect, but a more thorough one was offered by Desanka
Kovačević-Kojić.14
Another typology of medieval Serbian towns was proposed by
Miloš Blagojević,
underlining
differences between their municipal government and their degree of autonomy towards Serbian rulers, i.e.
central government. !5 A range of key terms was presented in the Lexicon of the Serbian Middle Ages, such as: town
(Serb,
grad),
court
(dvor),
market place
(trg),
varos (varos),
suburbium
(podgrađe),
emporion (amborija), smallish
fort
(gradac),
as well as citizens
(građani, purgari).
The limitations of short textual forms allowed authors only to
state some general features, which nevertheless could provide a basis for further consideration and a more
thorough investigation.16 It would be of a huge importance to try and comparatively observe the domestic and
different European settlement categories (town, city, market town,
varos, civitas,
castrum, castellum,
oppidum,
Minderstadt, Marktfleck,
etc.), in order to determine both their common characteristics and specific features
shaped by their different social and cultural environments.
Some latest texts in our historiography attempt to compensate for this huge delay in urban studies and to
propose a wider scholarly discussion. Analysis of urban settlements from the aspect of their functions
(administrative, military-defensive, economic and cultural), that is, as central places of their agrarian surroundings
proved very fruitful for medieval Bosnia. The same could be noted for the application of the location theory and the
investigation of spatial relations within a network of various settlement categories: towns in mutual relation, towns
and market places, and towns and villages. Furthermore, new research is done on the relation between the medieval
and early Ottoman categories
(şehir,
kasaba,
bazaar), as well as the issue of medieval urban heritage regarding its
continuity and/or discontinuity as well as change during the early Ottoman period.17
(<http://www.hisgeo.uni-bonn.de/>). In
1988
a special issue of the journal
Siedlungsforschung.
Archeologie
— Geschichte — Geographie
gave a survey of the current state of research in this field; however, Serbia was not included.
Societě
Française d Histoire Urbaine
has for
more a decade published the journal Revue
d Histoire Urbaine,
and also organized international conferences: <http://www.sfhu.org/>.
Recently published, the two-volumed
Histoire de l Europe urbaine
(red.
Jean-Luc
Pinol,
Paris
2003),
has included the history of
European towns from the Antiquity to the present day. Very active organization in Austria is
Österreichischer Arbeitkreis
fur
Stadtgeschichtsforschung,
which has, so far, published twenty one volume of
„Beitrage ,
covering different issues of urban studies:
<http://www.stgf.at/publikationen.html>.
14
S.
Novaković, Grad, trg, varoš.
К
istoriji
reči
¡predmeta koji se njima kazuju
[Town, market
place and
varos.
On the history of
these words and what they denominate],
Nastavnik
1892,1-17
(reprinted in: S.
Novaković, Iz srpske istorije, Novi Sad
—
Beograd
1966,
144-161);
P.
Anđelić, Trgovište, varoš i grad u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, n. s.
—
Arheologija
18
(1963) 179-194;
D. Kovačević-Kojić, Gradska naselja,
133-142.
15
M. Blagojević, Pregled istorijske geografije srednjovekovne Srbije
[Survey of historical geography of the medieval Serbia],
Zbornik Istorijskog muzeja Srbije
20 (1983) 99-106;
idem.,
Grad i župa,
[Town and its county], in:
Socijalna struktura,
70-72.
16
S
Ćirković, Amborija, Varoš, Dvor, Gradjani,
in: Lexicon of the Serbian Middle Ages,
Beograd
1999,10,68,126-127,139-142;
Lj.
Maksimović,
Grad, ibid., 122-124;
D.
Kovačević-Kojić, Podgrađe, Trg,
ibid., 534-535, 737-739;
M.
Popović, Gradac, Gradina,
Gradište, Kula,
ibid., 124-125, 340-342.
17
First time
in· J
Mrgić, Donji
Kraji.
Krajina srednjovekovne Bosne [Donji
kraji.
Mark of the medieval Bosnia],
Beograd
2002,
172-180·
eadem Transition from late medieval to early Ottoman settlement patterns,
SOF
65-66 (2006-2007) 50-84;
eadem,
Severná
Bosna
(13-16
vek)
[Northern Bosnia, 13th-16th centuries],
Beograd
2008,206-226;
A. Krstić,
Srednjovekovm
trgovi i osmanski
pazart
и
Braničevu
-
kontinuitet i
promene [Medieval market
places and Ottoman bazaars in the region of
Braničevo:
continuity and change],
in:
Moravska Srbija. Istorija
—
kultura
—
umetnost, Kruševac
2007,95-113.
327
Jelena
Mrgić
Quite understandably, due to the almost complete lack of archives in the Serbian continental lands, and,
even more, because of the scanty evidence the preserved material yields, research of the origin, development and
legal status of the medieval urban settlements could not have started from the analysis of liberties and legalistic
definitions.18 Only from few charters, Czar
Dušan s
Law Code, and Despot Stefan s Municipal Law of the Town of
Novo Brdo,
it could be deduced that Serbian rulers did issue charters to towns, which, as it can be ascertained, had
administered to a certain extent the position of town residents
—
citizens , as well as their rights and obligations
towards the central government.19 Yet, of the four most general, quantitatively measurable criteria for an urban
settlement
—
the number and density of population, the percentage of non-agrarian population in town
economy, and the number/diversity of
non-
agrarian jobs, only the lastcould be elaborated, owing to the medieval
sources from
Dubrovnik
Archives.20 Another type of historical sources represents the earliest Ottoman survey
deflers dating from the second half of 15th century. They contain data about the number of town and market
place inhabitants; however, the figures therein should be used very cautiously. The picture they present was
preceded by decades of warfare and massive migrations of the population, further, some categories of the
population were not conscripted at the same place, that is, at the same time as sipahis
timar
possessions.21
With the deficiency of written evidence, one possible solution to the issue which settlement can be taken
as having functioned as town could be provided by the preserved material remains of urban structures
—
town
citadels, ramparts, gates, palaces, churches and suburbium. Therefore, the map of the medieval settlements,
which is included in this Lexicon, does not reflect the exact number of settlements, neither the density of
settlement network, nor the level of urbanization, since it consists of only those settlements identified in the
written sources, and positively related to archaeological sites. A step further would be to supplement this map
with locations of medieval necropolises and unidentified archaeological remains, and see how the overall picture
would improve. Meticulous archaeological and historical research have been conducted for a series of the most
significant fortified towns, such as
Beograd,
Smederevo,
Niš,
Uzice,
Ras
(Trgovište), Novo Brdo
and
Stalać
in
Serbia, then Bobovac,
Visoki
and
Jajce
in Bosnia, and
Kotor,
Bar and
Budva
in
Zeta.22
Spatial organization of
urban units has been clarified to the extent the saved material and written sources allowed, while other issues,
such as the sacral topography of towns, are only beginning to gain momentum.23
18
To a certain extent, town archives and statutes are preserved for several Adriatic towns, such as
Budva
and
Kotor
—
Ž.
Bujuklić,
Pravno uređenje srednjovekovne budvanske komune
[Law system of the medieval town of
Budva],
predg. S.
Ćirković, Budva — Nikšić
1988;
A. Mayer,
Kotorski spomenici I—
II,
Zagreb
1951,1981;
P. Butorac, Kotor za samovlade
(1355-1420)
[Kotor
during the time of its
authonomy],
Kotor 19992: A. Dabinović, Kotor pod Mletačkom republikom
(1420-1797)
[Kotor
under the Venetian rule,
1420-1797],
Zagreb
1934;
I.
Sindik, Komunalno uređenje Kotora od druge polovine
XII
do početka
XV
stoleća
[Communal system of
Kotor
from the
second half of the 12th to the beginning of the 15th century],
Beograd
1950.
19
Distinctions in legal status of different types of citizens analysed S.
Ćirković, Iz starog Dubrovnika: građani rođeni i građani
stečeni
[From the old
Dubrovnik:
Citizens Born and Citizens by Right],
Istorijski časopis
56 (2008) 21-38;
idem,
Prevod
povelje
cara
Stefana Dušana gradu
Skadru
(1346-1355)
[Traduction de la charte de l empereur Stefan
Dušan
a la ville de
Skadar], Stari srpski arhiv
6
(2007) 113-122.
20
D.
Kovačević-Kojić
collected data on approximately some
50
different crafts and occupations of the medieval Bosnian town
inhabitants, which could be also assumed for other regions
-
Gradska naselja,
201-222;
see also: S.
Ćirković, Zanati,
in: Lexicon of the
Serbian Middle Ages,
217.
21
D.
Kovačević-Kojić, Gradska naselja,
55ff;
E.
Miljković-Bojanić, Smederevski sandžak. Zemlja
—
naselja
—
stanovništvo [The
sancak
of
Smederevo.
Land — settlements — population],
Beograd
2004.
22
Cf. Sources
and literature for each settlement in this volume.
23
J.
Erdeljan,
Beograd kao
Novi
Ierusalim.
Razmišljanja
о
recepciji jednog
toposa
u doba despota
Stefana
Lazarevića
[Belgrade as
the New Jerusalim. Rethinking of the reception of
a topos
in the time of the Despot
Stephan
Lazarevic],
Zbornik radova Vizantološkog
istituta
(ZRVI)
43 (2006) 97-110;
D.
Crnčević,
О
sakralnoj topografiji poslednje srpske srednjovekovne prestonice
—
utvrđenog grada
Smedereva
[On the sacral topography of the last Serbian medieval capital
—
the fortified town of Smederevo] in·
Moravska Srbija
249-264.
328
Survey of Historiography
Remains of royal and feudal residences, fortified and non-fortified courts, have been, over the last
decade, carefully examined.24
Marko Popović
wrote some of the most distinguished works in this field,
dedicating many years to castle studies, both from the archaeological practise as well as theoretical
consideration^ Gordana
MUošević
attempted to reconstruct profane residential architecture and the way of
dwelling in medieval rural and urban environments. The results are in many ways limited by a small number of
systematically examined sites and the unavailability of the great part of the archaeological material, which are still
mostly unpublished.26 Environmental and paleoecological studies are only starting to appear in our
historiography, although they could offer quite a different view of the pre-modem society^
The Byzantine towns which were conquered and included in the Serbian state, such as
Štip
and Prizren,
have been more thoroughly investigated owing to the well-preserved diplomatic material. Both towns showed
similar territorial and administrative organization of the urban settlement, its spatial structure and the pertaining
agrarian surroundings. While writing about
Štip,
Sima
Ćirković
showed that the urban unit consisted of a town
fortress, a settlement and a suburbium, for which a special suburbian law was valid. The town was governed by
a kephalia and a count.2« The closest surroundings to the town, named town metohion , were also observed in
Prizren, including the area outside the suburbium, of the perimeter of three to five kilometres.
Miloš Blagojević
was the first to draw attention to the organization of a wider town district
—
the district area of a Serbian
continental town, showing the structure of a town
župa
(county) with villages subject to it in Prizren valley^
Siniša Mišić
has used Czar
Dušan s
charter for the monastery of the Holy Archangel Michael to accurately
describe the urban history of the medieval Prizren, including town fortification, the social and economic
structure of the population, identification and spatial organization of economically useful areas.30
Byzantine urban heritage in the medieval Serbian lands has been studied far better than the impact which
another long-term neighbour and regional power
—
the Hungarian Kingdom had on the organization and
structure of the settlements, urban life and culture. Identification of this influence has only slightly moved from
the obvious examples, such as war technology and fortification building, as well as the acceptance of the term
varoš
(Hung,
vár)
to denominate a suburbium of a town. The Serbo-Hungarian relations demand a profound
re-evaluation, based on a more systematic research and wider comparative settings. What deserve to be taken
into account are various social, economic and cultural flows from Central and Western Europe, which penetrated
our regions via the Hungarian royal court in
Buda, as
well as the family ties between the royal dynasties of
Hungary, Bosnia and Serbia.31
24
A synthetic overview in: S.
Ćirković,
Der Hof der serbischen Herrscher: von der Burg zur Residenzstadt, u: Hofische Kultur in
Südosteuropa, Bericht der Kolloquien der Südosteuropa-Kommission 1988 bis 1990, hrsg. R. Lauer —
H. G. Majer,
Göttingen 1994,
74-85.
25 M.
Popović,
La
residence
du
despote
Djuradj Brankovk
dans le chatelet de la forteresse
de Smederevo, Balcanoslavica 7 (1978)
101-112;
idem, Ordnance in the
Defensive System
of the
Smederevo
Fortress During in the 15th Century, Balcanoslavica
10 (1983)
107-132;
idem,
Utvrđenja Moravske Srbije,
in:
Sveti knez Lazar, Beograd
1989,71-87;
idem, Vladarski i vlastoski dvor u srednjovekovnoj
Bosni i Hercegovini
[Royal and feudal
court in the medieval Bosnia],
Zbornik za istoriju BiH
2 (1997) 1-33;
idem, Srednjovekovni
Dobrun
[Medieval
town of
Dobrun], Starinar
52 (2002) 93-114;
idem, Dvor vladara i vlastele,
in:
Privatni život u srpskim zemljama
srednjeg
veka
[Private life in the medieval Serbian lands], S.
Marjanović-Dušanić
and D.
Popović
(eds.),
Clio:
Beograd
2004, 29-63;
idem, Zamak
u srpskim zemljama poznog srednjeg
veka
[Castle in the late medieval Serbian lands], ZRVI
43 (2006) 189-207.
26
G. Milosevic,
Stanovanje u
srednjovekovnoj
Srbiji
[Living in the medieval Serbia],
Beograd
1997.
27
J.
Mrgić,
Srednjovekovni covek
i priroda
[Medieval man and nature], in:
Privatni život u srpskim zemljama srednjeg
veka,
162-183;
eadem,
Severná
Bosna
(13-16.
vek),
13-32.
28
S.
Ćirković,
Štip
и
XIV
veku,
in:
Zbornik na trudovi posveteni na akademikot Mihailo Apostolski, Skopje
1986,25-36.
29
M.
Blagojević, Grad i župa,
in:
Socijalna struktura,
67-83.
30
s. Mišić, Prizren i manastir sv. Arhanđela do pada pod Turke
[The town of
Prizren
and the monastery of St. Archangel until the
Ottoman conquest],
Т:
S.
Mišić
-
T.
Subotin-Golubović, Svetoarhanđelovska hrisovulja, Beograd
2003,21-57^
зі
Hungarian historiography on settlements is very voluminous, including historical geography, topography and numerous local
histories but mostly published in Hungarian. We would name only several available to broader scientific public: A
.КпЬіщі,
Einige
Fragen zur Entwicklungdes
Stadtenetzes
Ungarns im XIV und
XV
Jahrhundert, in:
H.
Stoob (Hrsg.), Die Mittelalterlische Stadtebildung
329
Jelena
Mrgić
Our historiography has recognized the importance of the rapid development of mining in the 14th
century and, as its result, the intensive international long-distance trade in metals. These processes are
interpreted as the main factors of urbanization in the Serbian continental lands.32 However, it is necessary to take
into account much earlier efforts by the rulers, i.e. central government to use and to further develop a network of
strongholds
—
towns, fortifications and market places as military, administrative and commercial centres in
order to impose its position and influence, thus gaining control over population and economic flow. The ruler
would, on his part, guarantee for the inviolability of private property, freedom of movement and trade, offering
personal and legal protection as well as the protection of property. The example given by the ruler and the ruling
family would be followed by feudal lords in the Late Middle Ages, which usurped the regalian rights and income.
As paradigmatic examples of noblemen that founded their own urban centres we could name
Knez
(Prince)
Lazar
Hrebeljanović, Vuk Branković
in Serbia, and two Bosnian magnates:
Duke Hrvoje Vukčić
and Duke Stefan
Vukčić Kosaca.
The influence of German immigrants
—
Saxon miners, to swift urbanization of the Serbian lands has
been studied both from the aspect of adoption of German municipal law and the specific position of mining
towns towards Serbian rulers. Besides the miners, indirect evidence of the urban status of a settlement would be
given by the clustering of a considerable number of foreign merchants, above all from
Dubrovnik,
organized into
colonies with their autonomous rights and well defined obligations. The influence of the social network of
Dubrovnik
merchants went further than the exchange of information, money, goods, technological inventions
and the business know-how . It also pertained to the shaping of urban space of towns and market places (houses,
shops, squares and streets, churches, lazarets), and influenced the social and political relations therein.33
Moreover, it has been observed in our historiography that the location of Franciscan monasteries with churches
in medieval Bosnia, and Catholic parishes in continental Serbia implies a larger number of inhabitants in a
settlement and its increased economic activity, thus indicating its status of a market place or a town.34
Social and everyday life in the majority of medieval towns in the Adriatic hinterland and further into the
continent remains largely unknown due to the limitations of the domestic sources. Single evidence is preserved
on a case of urban unrest in the medieval Srebrenica during the reign of the Serbian Despot Stefan
Lazarević,
and
yet it is still unrecognized as such in our historiography. And there are certainly more possibilities to try to find
dissimilarities on the basis of comparisons with the well researched European urban centres. More detailed
description of the pulsing urban life has only been given in the case of medieval
Kotor,
including the women
studies. Concerning
Beograd,
a virtual reconstruction has been done of the town architecture in the time of
Despot Stefan.35 On the other hand, some new concepts about the life of medieval people
—
nutrition, health,
im Südöstlichen Europa,
Koln
— Wien 1977,164-183;
E.
Fugedi, Ungarns
oppida
im 14. Jahrhundert, in: Stadt und Stadtherr im XIV
Jahrhundert, Linz 1979; E.
Fűgedi,
Castle
and Society in
Medieval Hungary
(1000-1437),
Acta
Historica Academiae Scientiarum
Hungáriáé
187 (1986) 1-162;
P.
Engel,
Honor,
castrum, comitatus. Studies in the Government System
of the Angevin Kingdom,
Questiones
Medii Aevi
Novae I
(1996) 91-100.
32
D.
Kovačević-Kojić,
La role
de l industrie miniere
dans le développement des centres économiques en Serbie et en Bosnie, pendant
la
premiere
moitié du XVe siècle, in: La ville balkanique,
133-138;
S.
Ćirković
—
D.
Kovačević-Kojić
—
R.
Ćuk,
Staro
srpsko rudarstvo
[Old Serbian mining],
Beograd
—
Novi Sad
2002:
S.
Ćirković, Latinični
prepis
Rudarskog zakonika despota
Stefana
Lazarevića [Latin
translation
of the
Mining
Law Code of the Despot Stefan
Lazarević], Beograd
2005.
33
D.
Kovačević-Kojić, Izgled Srebrenice u dubrovačkim izvorima
(1352-1460)
[The appearance of
Srebrenica
according to the
sources from
Dubrovnik
(1352/1460],
in:
Gradski život,
203-218.
34
Eadem,
Gradska naselja,
281-297;
S.
Ćirković, Katoličke parohije u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji
[catholic parishes in the medieval
Serbia], in: idem, Rabotnici,
vojnici, duhovnici, Beograd
1997, 240-258.
35
L.
Blehova-Čelebić,
Žene
srednjovekovnog Kotora
[Women of the medieval
Kotor],
Podgorica
2002;
V.
Živković, Kotor —
model kasnosrednjovekovnog
grada [Kotor
—
a model of the late medieval town], in:
Privatni život u srpskim zemljama srednjeg
veka,
80-111;
S.
Fostikov, Žena
—
između vrline i greha
[Woman
—
between the Virtue and the
Sinn], ibid., 323-366;
M.
Radosavljević ,
Pictures of the Lost City
—
Digital Art Design from the special exhibition Pictures of the Lost City , screened at the European Heritage
Days, Belgrade
—
September
11-19,2004;
idem, The Most Beautiful Place since the Days of Yore
—
digital reconstruction of the Fortress
of Belgrade as it looked in the 15th century
—
Digitally Animated Movie: <http://www.belgradexv.com/index.htm>.
330
Survey of Historiography
diseases, mortality, physical appearance, etc., could be provided by the results of the funerary archaeology
(necropolises of stem), cultural and physical anthropology.36
Medieval road network including market places as caravan stations has only lately become the subject of
detailed analysis, usually within boundaries of specific historical and geographical regions of the medieval Serbia
and Bosnia. A wider extent of investigation on the level of micro-topography could be reported for the valley of
River
Lim
(Polimlje), surrounding areas of Pljevlja, for the regions of
Braničevo,
Central and South-Eastern
Serbia.37 Several medieval market places got their historical presentations, such as Drijeva
(1987),
Zaslon (Šabac)
(1970),
Prijepolje
(1976),
Valjevo
(1994),
Kuršumlija
(2000)
and Pljevlja
(2009)38,
though the level of
understanding of such specific settlement categories is far from satisfactory, and it will be necessary to put much
more effort into local history research.
So far, it seems that the medieval urban studies of the Serbian lands show a somewhat similar situation to
that of the majority of European regions outside of the metropolitan and highly urbanised areas. Latest results
indicate that there was a huge number of urban settlements though with a very small population (amounting to
not more than several hundred inhabitants), which were, however, rather densely located over smaller areas.
These small towns and towns on the periphery are becoming a very popular issue, as well as the problem of
functional correlation of towns and their agrarian surroundings.39
Local scholars are facing many challenges in the field of medieval urban studies, starting from
overcoming the limitations of the individual fields of work, to the more profound cooperation with other social
sciences. Gaps in contemporary historiography are noticeable both at the level of synthetic surveys which would
aim to present the entire medieval urban development of Serbian lands in wide swaths, and even more regarding
the reconstruction of urban landscapes, intertwined with the world of land-labourers (laboratores).
36
Historical literature on necropolis of
srećci
is much diversified: M.
Vencel,
Ukrasni motivi na stećcima
[Decorative motifs on
the
stećci],
Sarajevo
1965;
Š. Bešlagić, Stećci
—
kataloško-topografski pregled [Stećci
—
a catalogue with a topographyc survey], Sarajevo
1971;
idem,
Stećci
—
kultura i umjetnost [Stećci
—
culture and art], Sarajevo
1982.
Some latest trends in the field of paleoanthropology
and ¿aleodemography are presented in the works of
Živko Mikić,
which also treat the issue
oí
stećci: Prvi pokušaj socijalne stratifikacije
srednjovekovnih stećaka
[The first attempt to make a social stratification of medieval
stećci), Zbornik Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu
17 (1991) 217-226;
idem, Nekropola u Ćatićima i antropološka problematika stećaka
[The necropolis in
Ćatići
and the anthropological
problematics of
stećci], Zbornik za istoriju
ВІН
3 (2002) 17-27.
37
R
Ćuk Dva stara trga u Polimlju
[Two old market places in the region of Polimlje],
Istorijski časopis
29-30 (1982-83) 39-46;
eadem
Karavanske stanice
и
Polimlju
и
srednjm
veku
[Medieval caravan stations in Polimlje],
Mileševski
zapisi
2 (1996) 7-4;
S.
Mišić,
Gradovi i trgovi Gornjeg Polimlja u srednjem
veku
(problem deurbanizacije i urbanizacije)
[Medieval towns and market places in the
Upper Polimlje
-
the problem of deurbanization and urbanization],
Mileševski zapisi
7 (2007) 119-125;
idem,
Jugoistočna Srbija
srednjegveka [Medieval South-Eastern Serbia], Vranje
2002;
idem
,
Pirot pod
srpskom vlašću,
in: Pirotskabuna
1836,
Pirot
1997,49-57
Numerous valuable contributions were presented in the conference volumes
«Seoski dani Sretana Vukosavljevića
,
and in the journal
Glasnik Zavičajnog muzeja u Pljevljima.
Also see:
E.
Miljković
-
A.
Krstić, Braničevo u
15.
veku
(The region of Bramcevo in the 15th
century],
Beograd
2008.
38
Cf.
sources and literature for each settlement in this volume.
59
P. Clark
(ed.),
Small Towns in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press,
1995;
S. R.
Epstein, Town and Country in
Europe
1300-1800,
Cambridge University Press
2001.
331
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| id | DE-604.BV036707692 |
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| spellingShingle | Mišić, Siniša 1961- Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd Burg (DE-588)4009104-1 gnd Marktflecken (DE-588)4168938-0 gnd |
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| title | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima |
| title_auth | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima |
| title_exact_search | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima |
| title_full | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima red. Siniša Mišić |
| title_fullStr | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima red. Siniša Mišić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima red. Siniša Mišić |
| title_short | Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja |
| title_sort | leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja prema pisanim izvorima |
| title_sub | prema pisanim izvorima |
| topic | Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd Burg (DE-588)4009104-1 gnd Marktflecken (DE-588)4168938-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Stadt Burg Marktflecken Serbien Wörterbuch |
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