Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi: 1941 - 1945
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| Beteiligte Personen: | , |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Slowakisch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bratislava
Dokumentačné Stredisko Holokaustu
2009
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| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020534767&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020534767&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Labour and concentration camp in Sereď 1941 - 1945 |
| Umfang: | 191 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788096985739 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1821969190990381056 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
OBSAH
Úvod
.5
1. Pracovna
povinnosť Židov
na Slovensku do
leta 1941
.9
2.
Vznik a začiatky budovania tábora v
Seredi
.17
3.
Tábor v
Seredi
ako Koncentračné stredisko Židov
(marec
1942 -
september
1942).26
3.1
Deportácie z Koncentračnéhostrediska Židov
v
Seredi
v roku
1942.33
3. 2
Pomery v Koncentračnom stredisku Židov
v
Seredi
počas deportácií
.37
3. 3
Výrobná činnosť v tábore v období deportácií
.46
4.
Pracovný tábor pre Židov v
Seredi
(september
1942 -
august
1944).53
4.1
Výroba v pracovnom tábore v
Seredi
.63
4. 2
Životné podmienky v tábore (september
1942 -
august
1944). 75
4. 3
Táborová samospráva
.82
4.4
Zdravotná starostlivosť v tábore
.84
4. 5
Starostlivosť o deti, školstvo a kultúra v tábore
.88
4. 6
Odbojové hnutie v tábore
.92
5.
Koncentračný tábor v
Seredi
(september
1944 -
marec
1945).96
5.1
Povstanie, riešenie
židovskej otázky a tábor v
Seredi
.96
5. 2
Deportácie z Koncentračného tábora
v
Seredi
(30.
september
1944 - 31.
marec
1945).119
5. 3
Vraždy v seredskom tábore
.125
5.4
Obnovenie deportácií
20
Slovenska v priesečníku
slovensko-nemeckých diplomatických vzťahov
.'.128
Záver
.134
Summary: Labour and Concentration
Camp in
Sered'
1941 -1945.141
Zoznam skratiek.
159
Pramene
.160
Literatúra
.163
Tabulky.
165
Menný register
.168
f Bayerlache
1 Staatsbibliothek
SUMMARY: LABOUR AND CONCENTRATION
CAMP IN
SEREĎ
194Ί
- 1945
During the Second World War, concentration camps, which some
were of a detention character but most served for forced labour, were
an organic component of the 'final solution' of the Jewish question
in Slovakia. The totalitarian ludack regime introduced the concept of
concentration camps into political practice from the very beginning. It
used this institute as a means of intimidation and elimination directed
at its actual opponents or at those who were fictitious, but nevertheless
much needed, enemies of the state. It is symptomatic for non-demo¬
cratic systems, which treacherously proclaimed labour as a means of
obtaining freedom (Arbeit
macht frei)
or as 'the mother of progress',
to use the concept of labour as a means of cruel persecution or direct
physical liquidation of its opponents.
The establishment of camps for Jews was conditioned by the gov¬
ernmental elite's vision, that the Jew is the ultimate enemy of the Slo¬
vak nation and thus must be isolated. This proposal was coupled with
a request to put Jews for forced labour. According to the governmental
Hlinka
Slovak People's Party representatives' perceptions, Jews were
not capable of physical (manual) labour or they did everything to avoid
'useful' work. This conception corresponded with Slovak indigenous
anti-Semitism, which viewed Jews as social parasites.
First camps, which were to discriminate and persecute Slovak Jews
were opened in the summer of
1939
for members of the armed forces.
During the summer of
1939,
all Jewish soldiers were shifted from actual
military service to special labour units. It was during the war against
Poland in autumn
1939,
when, based on the decree no.
150/1939
Coll.,
Jewish soldiers were more extensively 'made use of.
Radical forces within the government, and the
Hlinka
Guard es¬
pecially, were strong proponents of establishing 'civil' Jewish labour
camps as a form of persecution. At this time, various governmental
proposals for creating Jewish labour camps were put forward, but had
not yet been realized.
141
Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi
1941 -1945
In the beginning of
1940,
within the framework of compulsory
military service, the Headquarters of the
Hlinka
Guards proposed the
establishment of Jewish labour units, which were to clean the streets
from snow, tidy up playgrounds and the alike. Individuals, however,
were able to redeem themselves from this 'activity'.
Between the years
1940 -1941,
and especially following the adoption
of legal regulation on the process of Aryanization (law no.
113/1940
Coll.
and decree no.
303/1940
Coll.), a mass of pauperized Jews emerged in
Slovakia. This segment of the society represented an uncomfortable
burden as well as a social problem for the Slovak state.
Thus, during the course of the year
1941,
forced Jewish labour units
were formed in Slovakia. Means, approaches and methods of integrat¬
ing the economically and socially degraded Jews into any activity, which
would prove to be productive and beneficial for the state, were being
sought. This move was supported not only by the government and other
state institutions, but also by the Jewish Council, which was tasked with
feeding and material support of the unemployed Jewish citizens.
By this rationale, on April
2,1941
the Ministry of Interior issued the
regulation no.
137,
which was the basis for establishing „labour centres
for unemployable Jews eliminated from economic life". This legal regula¬
tion obliged all Jewish men from
18
to
60
years-of-age to perform any
assigned labour. Labour centres and units were being established in
the proximity of communication construction sites, construction of
agricultural irrigation systems, areas of river regulation and other
ground jobs. The largest number of labour centres was established in
eastern Slovakia due to the fact, that this region had the highest density
of Jewish inhabitants who dependent on social support. Semi-prison
regime was imposed in the centres and they were guarded by members
of gendarmerie, the
Hlinka
Guard and
Freiwillige Schutzstaffel (FS). In
the meantime, however, the government continued to regulate labour
obligations of Jews and on July
4,1941
it issued the decree no.
153/1941
Coll. on Labour Obligations of Jews. By this decree, the government
decided, that, „Jews
(.)
between
18
and
60
years of age are obliged to carry
out labour assigned to them by the Central Labour Office
(.).
Work carried
142
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in
Sereď
1941 -1945
out on the basis of this decree does not establish employment and persons
performing these duties are not subject to public insurance.
"
During this period, more and more suggestions calling for the
establishment of big labour camps or even ghettos on the territory of
Slovakia were raised within the governmental circles. Creation of ghettos
and labour camps became an actual issue in autumn
1941
when seven
thousand Jews were forcefully evicted from Bratislava and dislocated
to predetermined locations in Slovakia, which, however, vehemently
rejected this policy. Big labour camps were to be established in ten
Slovak localities
-
especially in areas with non-functional and non-
operational military objects or former spa facilities. This plan would
indeed require considerable financial costs for necessary adaptation
arrangements. To cover this, the government did not possess sufficient
financial resources nor political will.
In August
1941,
the Minister of Interior,
A. Mach
and various other
representatives of this ministry sought suitable localities for constructing
Jewish camps. Finally, areas under the ownership of the Ministry of Nati¬
onal Defence in the towns of
Sereď
and
Nováky
were chosen to be adapted
into Jewish labour camps. Jews were to work in these camps based on
the passed decree
153/1941
Coll.
írom
July
4,1941.
The camps' construction
in cooperation with the Jewish Council began in autumn
1941.
In the beginning, the concept of constructing labour camps in
Se¬
reď
and
Nováky
was not built along clear lines. At first, the Ministry
of Interior contemplated creating these camps with one main goal: of
concentrating, or put in contemporary terms, of'dislocating* Jews who
were to be evicted from larger towns, especially Bratislava, and who
were capable of earning their own living.
During autumn
1941,
the key question was what to do with the dislo¬
cated Jews while in camps and centres. The government discussed this
topic on October
30,1941.
In the end the decision was reached, that
Jews evicted from towns were to be maintained by resources gained
from Aryanization or, perhaps even, from the Jewish Eviction Fund.
This concept, however, was unrealistic due to the fact, that the process
of Aryanizing Jewish business property led to vast economic losses.
143
Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi
1941 - 1945
At the same time, the Jewish Council continuously warned of the
bad social situation of Jews on the whole territory of Slovakia as well
as of injustices and deficiencies caused by the eviction policy. This very
Jewish Council carried the burden of socially supporting the Jewish po¬
pulation for many months since the launch of radical Aryanization as
well as the liquidation of Jewish businesses and thus, naturally, it also
realized the idea of establishing camps for dislocated persons.
Officers of the Jewish Council sought to utilize the labour of'dis¬
located' or 'evacuated' Jews within the newly established camps in
such a way, that the Jews would be capable of ensuring their own
livelihoods and would not pose a burden for the state budget. In this
respect, the key objectives were carried out by officers of the Jewish
Council's Labour and Construction Department
-
Oskar
Neumann
and
Andrej
Steiner.
In
orderte
create the camps in
Sered',
the Ministry of Interior decided
to utilize the area of a former Military Engineering Unit's Headquarters
in
Sereď,
which was to be adapted to its new purpose and construction of
new buildings was launched in its proximity. According to the architect
A.
Steiner
and other responsible officers, area of the former Military
Engineering Unifs Headquarters in
Sered',
owned by the Ministry of
National Defence, provided sufficient foundations for constructing a
camp, which was meant to become a place of large-scale production.
When it came to setting up the camp, there was no hesitation. As
soon as September
17,1941
the Ministry of Interior founded the State
Administration for Constructing Temporary Buildings in
Sered',
which
launched the camp's construction. In the beginning, the camp was being
built by Jews as well as
non-
Jewish workers. The exact number of Jews
working on constructing the camp during the first months, however,
cannot be precisely determined based on surviving documentation.
Based on the first available exact list of Jews constructing the camp
from April
1942,
we know that the camp was being built by Jews from
the districts of
Malacky, Trnava, Nitra,
Bánovce nad Bebravou, Hlohovec
and Michalovce.
The list contains
75
names of Jews who pursued various
professions ranging from electricians, concreting workers, bricklayers
and bricklaying helpers, plumbers and carpenters.
144
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in
Sereď
1941 -1945
The camp was patrolled by the
Hlinka
Guard and as documents
suggest, the number of the guards was increasing only slowly. First
two
Hlinka
Guards took up work in the camp on September
18,1941.
The number of the guards who conducted 'patrolling and monitoring
duties' increased to nine by the end of September. In January
1942
the
number rose to ten.
Naturally, besides the actual construction of the camp, the Jewish
Council also took measures which would launch production in
Sered'
as soon as possible. Thus, already on December
18,1941
Izidor Koso,
Head of Office of the Minister of Interior, gave a verbal order to launch
production in the camps of
Sered'
and
Nováky.
Production plans for the
'dislocation' or 'evacuation' camps in
Sereď
and
Nováky
were developed
at the Jewish Council's Labour and Construction Department. In January
1942,
the Jewish Council proposed that the Ministry of Interior establish
a tailoring workshop in
Sered'
or, in other words, a manufacturing en¬
terprise by the name 'Ready-made-work-clothing in
Sereď,
which was
to employ
50
persons. The workshop was to produce all sorts of ready-
made-clothes, but mainly suits, autumn coats and rain coats. At the
same time the Jewish Council suggested establishing a 'manufacturing
enterprise' by the name 'Carpenter Workshop in the
Sered'
Evacuation
Camp'. Due to the fact, that the domestic market registered increased
demand for furniture and the already existing businesses could not
satisfy it, the woodwork workshop in
Sered'
was supposed to satisfy this
need and thus be profitable. Therefore, the basis for its establishment
was the furniture production plan, or strictly speaking the production
of bedroom furniture. In addition to the proposed carpentry workshop,
the Jewish Council asked the Ministry of Interior to establish an ad¬
ditional manufacturing enterprise 'Concrete Pipe Production in the
Sered'
Evacuation Camp', which was to satisfy the high demand of the
building industry for concrete pipes of various sizes.
By February
1942,
following several months of intensive industrial
operation, the rationale behind establishing Jewish labour camps with
relevant workshops started bringing tangible results. The workshops
provided the pauperized and 'dislocated' Jews living in camps a means
of providing for themselves as well as for their families.
145
Pracovný a koncentračný täbor v
Seredi 1941 - 1945
Paradoxically, production in the
Sered'
camp was initiated at a time,
when the exact same state apparatus, which endorsed the establish¬
ment of Jewish labour camps in Slovakia, was preparing absolutely
different, much more radical, measures meant to 'solve' the Jewish
question once and for all. These measures were actual deportations of
tens of thousands of Jews from the territory of Slovakia to areas under
direct control of Nazi Germany.
Operation DAVID', codename for deportations of Jews, was pre¬
pared and launched within several weeks. It constituted one of many
hastily prepared radical anti-Jewish activities, which were symptomatic
for the 'solution' of the Jewish question period in Slovakia following
the Salzburg Conference in July
1940.
As soon as December
1941,
prior to deportations from Slovakia, V.
Tuka
endorsed deportations of Slovak nationals of Jewish origin residing
on the territory of Nazi Germany (including the Protectorate of Czech
Lands and Moravia as well as
Ostmark -
former Austria).
Slovak-German negotiations about future deportations of Jews from
the Slovak territory were under way at least since February
1942.
In the beginning of March
1942,
Concentration Centres for Jews in
Bratislava-Patrónka,
Žilina,
and
Poprad
were established on the sites
of military barracks and other facilities, in order for direct deportations
to be launched. Based on a decision of the Ministry of Interior, the
new Jewish labour camps in
Sered'
and
Nováky
were also re-qualified
to concentration centres. During the course of several days the
Sered'
camp, where only several months before the regime planned large-scale
labour activities of Jews eliminated from economic and social life, was
to start serving an absolutely different purpose
-
forced concentration
of people and their enlistment into deportation trains which would
consequently remove them from the Slovak territory. The
Sered'
camp
was to be utilized for concentrating
3000
Jews.
Screened members of the
Hlinka
Guard were appointed as com¬
manders of concentration centres. On March
2,1942
Jozef Vozár,
a
34
-year-old
Hlinka
Guards' member, became Commander of the
Concentration Centre for Jews in
Sered
(this was the new official title
of the
Sered
camp). In relation to deportations the number of guards
146
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in
Sereď
1941 -1945
in the camp had significantly increased. Between March
20
and
28,
1942
another
42
guards were appointed to the Concentration Centre
in
Sered'.
Thus, by April
1,
already
53
guards assumed their positions
in the camp. The number of
Hlinka
guards increased to
56
by the end
of April and at this point the amount of guards in the camp reached
its historical maximum.
In terms of the camp organization, Jews were divided into two groups:
forced labourers
{'zaradená')
and prisoners
('zaistená').
Forced labourers
were detainees integrated into the working routine. Generally, forced
labourers had been sent to the camp before it became a concentration
centre as well as before the actual deportations were launched. They
worked on construction sites, built workshops and facilities or took
care of camp maintenance. The camp prisoners were persons trans¬
ported to the
Sered
camp only after the concentration centre had been
established as a build-up for deportations.
Generally, during the time when the camp served as a concentration
centre and was under the deportation regime, living conditions of the
Sered'
camp detainees were terrible. The harshest conditions, however,
were imposed on the so-called camp prisoners, who were escorted to
Sered'by the gendarmes, the
Hlinka
guards or the FS and who were to
be deported from the territory of Slovakia. Already the concentration
centre's intake procedure for new prisoners was a very violent proce¬
dure and shocked the incoming prisoners. As implied by testimonies
of those, who were deported via the Concentration Centre for Jews in
Sered',
as soon as the Jews arrived to the camp, the lined-up
Hlinka
guards beat them with whips, leashes and night-sticks with which
they were 'equiped'
fór
this purpose. During the incoming inspec¬
tion into the Concentration Centre in
Sered',
the
Hlinka
guards took
from the Jews all items, which were not permitted by the Ministry of
Interior's instructions. Based on eye-witness accounts of deportation
procedures, money and other valuables often ended-up in the
Hlinka
guards' pockets.
Physical and psychological violence became an integral part of camp-
life during the deportation period and the
Hlinka
guards themselves
were very well aware its consequences.
47
Pracovny a koncentrační tábor v Seredi
1941 -1945
At least
4 463
persons were deported from
Sered'
between March
and September
1942.
During this period, three so-called 'large' deporta¬
tions transporting a thousand prisoners each (a number desired by the
German authorities) heading directly to the General
Gouvernement
and five smaller, so-called 'additional deportations' to
Žilina
were dis¬
patched from the
Sered'
camp. Upon their arrival to the concentration
centre in
Žilina,
former prisoners of the
Sered'
camp were assigned to
individual deportation trains.
It needs to be reminded, that in terms of basic human needs the
Sered'
camp was a place where, between March and September
1942,
several hundred forced labourers were located including hundreds
of concentrated prisoners, who, upon reaching a certain quota, were
deported. During the deportation period, the camp was constantly un¬
der construction. Prior to the launch of deportations, forced labourers
were allocated more or less adequate living space in the camp. Due to
having to share space with incoming prisoners, forced labourers now
had to frame this space down to an absolute minimum.
As the Jewish Council soon realized, labour in camps during the
deportation period represented partial protection and a chance for
avoiding deportations. In a time when deportations of Jews were not yet
contemplated, camps were originally planned as a solution of the bad
social situation. In the very moment, however, when deportations of
Operation DAVID' were launched, labour camps represented a means
of salvation for thousands of people.
Everyday life of both forced labourers and prisoners was very com¬
plicated due to constant persecution by the
Hlinka
guards, which was
coupled with harsh treatment, beating and psychological as well as
physical abuse.
On September
21,1942,
following the departure of the last depor¬
tation train, the
Sered'
camp was again turned into a labour camp for
quite some time. The tragic legacy of the
Sered
Concentration Centre,
however, subsided only gradually and the threat of further deportations
was ever-present.
In the beginning of September
1942,
the
Sereď camp
was assigned
a new commander
-
Imrich Vašina.
Much like his predecessor
J. Vozár,
148
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in
Sered
1941 -1945
the new commander
I. Vašina
was a 'well-deserved' member of the
Hlinka
Guard who, prior to his deployment to
Sered',
commanded the
Patronka
concentration centre.
The camp's structure ranging from its production to the organization
of everyday life was rather unclear. Until this point, only basic issues
concerning the organization of labour camps were regulated and dur¬
ing the process of deportations it was not even dear, whether Jewish
labour camps will continue to exist.
Since the outset and much like the camps in
Nováky
and
Vyhne,
the
Sered'labour camp was capable of maintaining its production capacity
only with the Jewish Council's extensive organizational assistance. The
Jewish Council and above all its Labour and Building Department managed
orders for the camp workshops and also oversaw the sufficiency of raw
materials' supply to the camp. Based on a decree issued by the Ministry
of Interior, the Central Bureau for Jewish Labour Camps was established
in March
1943.
The Central Bureau for Jewish Labour Camps originated
within the structure of the Jewish Council and functioned as an auxiliary
and informative body of the Governmental Inspector for Jewish Labour
Camps,
Julius Pečuch,
who, as an employee of the Ministry of Interior,
supervised all Jewish labour camps and centres on Slovak territory.
The camp was headed by the Camp Commander
-
Imrich Vašina.
Since spring
1943
activities within the camp were significantly influ¬
enced by the camp's self-administration. Its origins can be traced to
the Camp Commander's Advisory Board, which was established in
1942.
The actual self-governing competences, however, could be at¬
tributed only to the Jewish Board, which was established in April
1943.
The Jewish Board comprised of
5
(later
6)
members and
3
assisting
officers and was headed by Alexander Pressburger. Members of the
Jewish Boards were responsible for the following matters: economic
and social, health care, cultural and educational matters, technical
issues, administration, fire fighting and security services. Virtually,
they managed the day-to-day camp routine. While carrying out their
duties, members of the Jewish Board and their assisting officers were
in close contact with the Central Bureau of Jewish Labour Camps as
well as the Jewish Council.
49
Pracovny a
koncentračný tábor v Seredi
1941 - 1945
Jewish
Police
was also a part of the camp's administration. It was
headed by Ernest
Spitzer
and comprised often members. Within its
competences it was responsible for assisting with guard duty and fire
fighting services.
Similarly, as in the
Nováky
and
Vyhne
camps, production in the
Sered'
camp was carried out within so called enterprises, workshops
and working groups. In terms of their economic character, they were
divided into 'revenue-making' and 'non-profit' areas of employment.
The following enterprises, workshops and working groups were
classified as 'revenue-making': woodwork workshop, which was the
essential manufacturing body of the
Sered'
camp. In the beginning of
1943,160
carpenters as well as other non-qualified woodwork helpers
were employed in the workshop. Gradually, the woodwork workshop
was equipped with adequate machinery and equipment. It handled
and worked on predominantly state orders, in other words, for state or
state-administered businesses as well as other 'public and semi-public
organizations'. A portion of the workshop's production was based on
orders from the private sector.
In the beginning of
1943,
the woodwork workshop focused on sup¬
plying an order of the General Building Society worth
2,5
million. It
was to produce staircases for family houses, which were being built
as a part of the project
'1000
houses for blue-collar-workers'. Houses
within this project were built in the Bratislava district of
Ľudová štvrt.
The woodwork workshop also produced equipment for the National
Spa Central Headquarters such as interior equipment for national
spa hotels. Thus, this workshop was undoubtedly the most significant
enterprise in the camp.
Other revenue-making enterprises in the camp were the toy workshop,
concreting plant, locksmithery, pluming workshop, turnery, upholstery,
suitcase manufacturing, ready-made-dothes, hattery, net and knitting
workshop, Angora rabbit farming, processing Angora wool, furriery,
shoelace workshop, chemo-technological manufacturing, watchmaker's,
and supply of day-labourers for the National Building Society.
The following operated as 'non-profit' enterprises, workshops and
working groups: a warehouse encompassing a cellar, kitchen and a din-
150
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in Sere6 J947
-1945
ing hall, tailor workshop (repair service), shoemaker's workshop (repair
service), barber and hairdresser, police and order-enforcing service,
first-aid station, medical doctors and dentists, launderette, school,
nursery, public nursery, animal farming, barn service, day-labourers'
services, canteen, offices.
Non-profit enterprises were established for a single purpose: to
server the needs of the camp and camp administration.
In the year
1942
the annual sales of the
Sered'
camp's production were
2163 250
Ks. The camp's profit in
1942
was only
9 057
Ks. Within the first
six months of
1943,
however, the camp's production profit increased to
9 440 409
Ks. Based on one source, the total annual sales of the camp's
production in
1943
were
17 300 000
Ks and according to another source,
they equalled to almost
16 930 021
Ks. Despite the fact, that the
Sered
camp was smaller than the camp in
Nováky,
it reached the highest sales
out of all three labour camps. According to the Ministry of Interior, the
difference between sales in
1943
and in
1942,
were connected to 'restric¬
tions on camp production during the process of deportations'.
Profit of the
Sered'
camp in the year
1943
was higher than
2 000 000
Ks. The camp's profit from the abovementioned sales, however, could
have been higher if the camp's organization would not have been based
on the principle of self-sustainment. Due to this principle, the camp
spent substantial financial resources on food for all forced labourers,
care for unemployed forced labourers, administration and overall opera¬
tion. On the break of the years
1943
and
1944,
the budged contributed
13 000
Ks daily for the care of inoperable inmates, such as children
and the elderly.
Between September
1942
and August
1944
the number of inmates,
classified as forced labourers, in the
Sereďcamp
gradually increased.
During the course of the year
1943,
the camp was inhabited by approxi¬
mately
900
inmates. Each month inmates came and went either to other
labour camps, the central camp home for the elderly, or occasionally some
were released from the camp by the Ministry of Interior. The number of
inmates reaches its peak in the July of
1944,
when it housed
1181
Jews.
Jewish forced labourers were sent to the camp based on a written order
by the Governmental Commander for Jewish Labour Camps.
Pracovný a koncentračný täbor v
Seredi 1941 -1945
life in the camp was very harsh. Weekly, the men worked for
55
hours
and women for
48
hours. During as well as outside of working hours,
strict organizational measures were imposed within the camp. In the
Sered'
camp, inmates had no possibility of creating their own independ¬
ent households. Families were accommodated in barracks known as
'living quarters', which provided minimum living space. One room was
occupied by
3-4
families separating and protecting their privacy only by
furniture. Since the end of
1942,
but especially during the years
1943
and
1944,
escapes from the camp were on their increase.
Many children and elderly, who were relatives of forced Jewish
labourers, lived in the camp. Children older than 14-years-of-age con¬
tributed to the production in the camp and the younger children were
taken care of at the nursery or school. There children's education was
sustained by teachers, appointees of the Jewish Council.
As in the case of raw materials necessary for the workshop's produc¬
tion, also food supplies and other necessities of life (clothes, shoes) were
subjected to a ratio system directed by the Highest Supply Bureau. Since
1943,
supply of the camp was organized by the Central Office for Jewish
Labour Camps with the assistance of the camp self-administration.
Health care for inmates was provided by several medical doctors.
The number of doctors was constantly fluctuating and in the begin¬
ning the first-aid station was very poorly equipped. Later on as in other
instances, the first-aid station was supplied equipment and furniture,
(released by the Ministry of Finance and tax offices), from storehouses
with seized property of deported Slovak Jews.
A Jewish hospital, which was relocated to the camp from Bratislava
in the summer of
1942,
was a particularity of the Labour Camp for Jews
in
Sered'.
Following several months of operation under temporary ad¬
ministration, the facility gained a permanent status as a Central Camp
Hospital for Jews. The hospital was capable of providing health care
for as many as
120
patients.
Hlinka
guards continued to perform guard-duty in the camp. Fol¬
lowing the cessation of deportations in
1942,
the number of guards
significantly decreased to
19
and later only to
8.
Despite this develop¬
ment, the camp inmates were constant targets of humiliation and vio-
152
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in Sere6
1941 -1945
lence.
The
Hlinka
guards continued to rob the new coming inmates
off of their valuables, such as jewellery, watches and money. Members
of the
Hlinka
guards conducting guard-duty in the camp were officially
authorized to carry out punishments. I.
Vašina,
the Camp Commander,
in some cases his deputy J. Paulik as well as the Chief of the guards,
Štefan
Krajčír
were the ones who made decisions on imposing punish¬
ments. Inmates were punished even for the slightest delay for a roll
call to work at one of the camp's workshops, for departing from ones
workplace, or for failing to salute the Camp Commander. The variety
of punishments was very colourful, raging from withdrawing benefits,
through food deprivation, financial punishments, to detention in the
camp's prison for one or more days. Sporadically, inmates would be
imprisoned for several weeks or even a few months.
After deportation were ceased, but predominantly during the years
1943
and
1944,
the number of escapes, officially referred to as 'desertion',
from the camp increased. Following an inmate's escape, a nationwide
search was launched in cooperation with the Criminal Central Office
and basic information on the escapee was published in a circular se¬
curity report.
In the beginning of
1943,
the Governmental Commander for Jewish
Labour Camps announced to Jews interned in the
Sered,
Nováky,
and
Vyhne
camps, that in case their escapes will not cease to continue, the
Ministry of Interior will resort to resuming deportations. Thus, the threat
of deportations was ever-present and statements of some historians
claiming that Jewish labour camps protected Jews from deportations
should, therefore, be considered ill-founded.
In the spring of
1944,
Imrich
Vašina
was withdrawn
ířom
the position
of the camp commander due to committing numerous errors. He was
replaced by J.
Pilník,
who was soon after superseded by
Jozef J. Matušän.
The
Hlinka
guards were also replaced in conducting guard-duty by the
gendarmerie. Based on testimonies, the inmates' life significantly im¬
proved because members of the gendarmerie were not as anti-Semitic
and did not torture the inmates as much as the
Hlinka
guards did.
The Slovak National Uprising, which erupted on August
29,1944,
put an end to the era of the Labour Camp for Jews in
Sered'.
Occupation
15З
Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi
1941 -1945
of
Slovakia
by German forces was launched on the day of the Upris¬
ing's outbreak.
On August
30
the gendarmerie opened gates of the Labour Camp for
Jews in
Sered'
and most Jews, who were labelled by the regime as 'forced
labourers', left the camp. Escape from the camp seemed as a natural
reaction to these new circumstances. Nevertheless, as it later turned
out, not everyone found enough inner strength to leave a prison with
which they were well acquainted with and enter insecure conditions
of the outside world. For several days, the situation was chaotic and
during this time the German forces occupied the camp.
The territory of Western Slovakia, which the German army forces
practically occupied without having to fight, immediately became the
operational area for Nazi security and repressive units. Together with
combat forces, these units were subject to the Headquarters of
Einsa¬
tzgruppe
H
der Sipo und des SD -
Emergency Unit
H
of the German
Security Police and Security Service (further as
Einsatzgruppe
H),
which
was a branch of the Nazi security apparatus.
The main role of Einsatzguppe
H
operating on Slovak territory was
to discover and liquidate members of the uprising, who were regarded
as opponents of Nazism, liquidate Jews and the Roma, as well as im¬
pose repressive measures against the civil population supporting the
insurgents.
Einsatzkommandos
and
Sonderkommandos
were the execu¬
tive components of Einsatzguppe H.
During a meeting of the highest command of the German occupy¬
ing forces on September i,
1944
further policy and tactical steps, which
were to be taken in Slovakia, were decided upon, including the destiny
of Slovak Jews. The Jewish question was to be dealt with in a radical
manner. Jews were to be interned in camps hastily established by Emer¬
gency Unit H. These camps were to be protected by the
Hlinka
guards.
Only gradually did the Germans gain control over the situation.
The occupying force closely followed by the
Einsatzkommandos
and
Sonderkommandos
continued to find and arrest more and more
Jews. The question of what to do with the arrested Jews, which was
discussed by the German high command on September
1,
was becom¬
ing acute. As soon as September
4,1944,
J. Witiska reported, that the
154
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in
Sered
1941 -1945
'Jewish operation' was under way. He considered it crucial to immedi¬
ately transport the arrested Jews from Slovak territory to Moravia and
the area of
Niederdonau.
One day later, September
5,1944,
he already
reported about preparations to deport the arrested Jews to a camp in
Svatobořice
situated in the Protectorate. Witiska's reports indicate,
that Headquarters of Emergency Unit
H
was incapable of immedi¬
ately establishing a camp in Slovakia. This notion was only affirmed
by Witiska's statement, that 'the plan to establish a camp in Slovakia
failed due to guarding difficulties'.
The Headquarters of Emergency Unit
H
evaluated the camp in
Sered'
as a suitable place for concentrating arrested persons. As soon
as September
12,1944,
Headquarters of the Emergency Unit H, which
was stationed in Bratislava, sent
33
members of the
SS
to the
Sereď
camp. It is not too difficult to comprehend why the camp in
Sered
was
assigned to become a concentration camp. In terms of infrastructure,
the
Sered'
camp was fully prepared for immediate use and organiza¬
tion of deportations. After all, this very camp served as a concentration
camp during the deportations of
1942.
There is not much known about what happened during the first two
weeks of
Sered'
camp's existence under the supervision of the
SS.
Ac¬
cording to documents, however, we know that, at this time, the camp
commandership was under
S S
control
- Scharführer
Franz
Knollmayer
or
S S-
Scharführer Josef Häckl.
During the period following the
reestablishment
of the concentra¬
tion camp in
Sered'
until the end of September
1944,
the administration
was chaotic. Jews imprisoned in the camp were not being deported
during this era, but murders, harassment and rape of prisoners were
in place since the first moment. Members of the
SS
introduced terror
to the camp, such as long marches of prisoners during the night ac¬
companied by torture and murders.
In the last days of September, one of the closest colleagues of Adolf
Eichmann, SS-Hauptsturmführer
Alois
Brunner,
came to Slovakia.
In
1942
A. Brunner, nicknamed 'Hunter of the Jews', organized de¬
portations of Greek Jews and in
1943
deported the Jews of Drancy,
France. Among Eichmann's cooperatives, A. Brunner had the legacy
155
Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi
1941 -1945
of a man, who would be sent by
Eichmann
to various European states
as a problem solver.
Alois Brunner's first operation in Slovakia was an extensive anti-
Jewish raid in Bratislava. Preparations for the raid are mentioned by
Nazi documents as soon as September
20,1944.
The operation took
place during the night between September
28
and
29,1944
and during
this one night,
1600
Jews were arrested in Bratislava and deported to
the
Sered'
camp on September
29.
In the time when these Jews from
Bratislava arrived to the
Sered'
camp, Alois Brunner had already become
its commander. The exact date when Brunner assumed this position
has not been yet documented. German nor Czechoslovak investigative
authorities have not been able to find out the exact date.
When discussing A. Brunner's taking over of the re-opened
Sereď
camp it needs to be observed, that up-to-date research in Slovak as well
as foreign archives has not enabled us to create a clear picture of the
relationship between
Einsatzgruppe
H
and Brunner as commander of
a concentration camp.
When assuming his position, two years since the first wave of de¬
portations of Slovak Jews had been ceased, A. Brunner again turned the
Sereď
concentration camp into the centre of deportations. The main
purpose for re-establishing the concentration camp in
Sered'
was to
concentrate Jews and consequently deport them from the territory of
Slovakia. Deportations from the
Sered'
camp began only after A. Brun¬
ner assumed his position of camp commander.
Due to testimonies and partially also owing to reports of the Emer¬
gency Unit
H Commander,
Joseph Witiska, we possess information
about deportations from the
Sereď
concentration camp.
Testimony of Alexander Weiss
(Gregor),
who worked at the camp's
card register and secretly kept a diary with records of the numbers of
deportees, stands out among other witness accounts. Another pris¬
oner of the
Sereď camp,
Adolf
(Adulo)
Rosenberg, whose account was
recorded by the historian
Gila Fatran,
testified about the departure
dates of deportation trains and the number of both trains and those
who were deported. Between September
30,1944
and March
30,1945,
altogether
u
deportation trains were dispatched from the concentration
156
Summary: Labour and Concentration Camp in
Sered
1941 -1945
camp in
Sered'.
Based on witness accounts, more than
u
500
prisoners
were deported.
Due to recently discovered fragments of the so-called
Sered'
camp
registration journals, which were found in the Slovak National Archive
in
2008,
we are capable of reconstructing the prisoners' record system
and to specify the actual number of prisoners. Records of the newly
found registration journals were created during the process of registering
new prisoners in the camp. Based on these registration journals we can
establish, that
8 803
prisoners were deported to
Sered'
until November
19,1944.
The last prisoner's record was made on March
30,1945
under
the registration number
η
719
only one day prior to the departure of the
last deportation train, by which the camp population was fully evacuated,
and two day before the Red Army reached
Sered'.
The number
11719
can
be considered as the most precise figure yet, specifying the number
of Jewish prisoners,
non-
Jewish relatives and people who befall under
the Nazi definition of a so-called
Mischling
since the re-establishment
of the camp by Nazi security units in September
1944.
In this context an important fact needs to be pointed out: between
September
1944
and March
1945
the concentration camp in
Sered
had
not only served as a concentration camp for Jews. Soldiers of the rebel¬
lious army, partisans and members of the Uprising as well as persons
suspected of providing support for the Uprising were detained in the
camp. These prisoners were located in areas separate from Jews, their
non-Jewish relatives and the so called
Mischlings
fenced around with
barbed wire. Detained members of the Uprising, were, unlike Jews, not
listed in the registration journals or the card index. There were, how¬
ever, based on survivors' witness testimonies, an estimated
500-600
of them. During this time, much like the Jews, members of the Upris¬
ing detained in the
Sered'
camp were being murdered in the camp or
deported together with the Jews to Nazi camps on territory controlled
by the Third Reich. Between September
1944,
when the camp in
Sered'
was re-opened, and March
31,1945,
when the last so-called evacuation
deportation train heading to Teresienstadt left
Sered,
approximately
44
people were murdered in the camp. Only a fraction of them man¬
aged to be identified.
157
Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi
1941 -1945
Until very recently, little has been known about administration of
the camp during this period. Today we know, however, that in terms
of organization, A. Brunner employed measures in the
Sered'
camp,
which were notoriously known from concentration camps located in
the Third Reich and occupied territories. One of these methods was
establishing a prisoners' hierarchy and utilizing them certain adminis¬
trative activities. Another measure Brunner imposed after taking over
the camp was that he established the institution of the Jewish camp
mayor
(Judenälteste)
and named Ing.
Emanuel
Komi into the office.
As research managed to prove, Brunner also renewed production of
several camp workshops and at times, the ability to work was a criterion
based on which he personally decided whom to deport.
Between the years
1941 -1945
the
Sered'
camp passed through several
evolutionary phases and changes in its character. By publishing this slim
book, it is our aim to retrace one of the important places of violence,
which was carried out because of religious, racial or political reasons
and realized by a state adhering to the ideas of nation and Christianity.
Sered
and its various camps represent the failure of these ideas.
158 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Hlavinka, Ján 1979- Nižňanský, Eduard 1955- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)134053389 (DE-588)10363066X |
| author_facet | Hlavinka, Ján 1979- Nižňanský, Eduard 1955- |
| author_role | aut aut |
| author_sort | Hlavinka, Ján 1979- |
| author_variant | j h jh e n en |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036614598 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)662425133 (DE-599)BVBBV036614598 |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-01-22T17:00:22Z |
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| spelling | Hlavinka, Ján 1979- Verfasser (DE-588)134053389 aut Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 Ján Hlavinka ; Eduard Nižňanský Bratislava Dokumentačné Stredisko Holokaustu 2009 191 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Labour and concentration camp in Sereď 1941 - 1945 Konzentrationslager Sered' (DE-588)4458473-8 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Konzentrationslager Sered' (DE-588)4458473-8 b Geschichte z DE-604 Nižňanský, Eduard 1955- Verfasser (DE-588)10363066X aut Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020534767&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020534767&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Rezension |
| spellingShingle | Hlavinka, Ján 1979- Nižňanský, Eduard 1955- Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 Konzentrationslager Sered' (DE-588)4458473-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4458473-8 |
| title | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 |
| title_auth | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 |
| title_exact_search | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 |
| title_full | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 Ján Hlavinka ; Eduard Nižňanský |
| title_fullStr | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 Ján Hlavinka ; Eduard Nižňanský |
| title_full_unstemmed | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi 1941 - 1945 Ján Hlavinka ; Eduard Nižňanský |
| title_short | Pracovný a koncentračný tábor v Seredi |
| title_sort | pracovny a koncentracny tabor v seredi 1941 1945 |
| title_sub | 1941 - 1945 |
| topic | Konzentrationslager Sered' (DE-588)4458473-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Konzentrationslager Sered' |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020534767&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020534767&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT hlavinkajan pracovnyakoncentracnytaborvseredi19411945 AT niznanskyeduard pracovnyakoncentracnytaborvseredi19411945 |