Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije: ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji
Gespeichert in:
| Beteilige Person: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
JP Službeni Glasnik [u.a.]
2006
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Edicija Stav
6 |
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Umfang: | 573 S. |
| ISBN: | 8675495323 9788675495321 |
Internformat
MARC
| LEADER | 00000nam a2200000 cb4500 | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 001 | BV022406090 | ||
| 003 | DE-604 | ||
| 005 | 20170329 | ||
| 007 | t| | ||
| 008 | 070427s2006 xx |||| 00||| srp d | ||
| 020 | |a 8675495323 |9 86-7549-532-3 | ||
| 020 | |a 9788675495321 |9 978-86-7549-532-1 | ||
| 035 | |a (OCoLC)237126757 | ||
| 035 | |a (DE-599)BVBBV022406090 | ||
| 040 | |a DE-604 |b ger |e rakwb | ||
| 041 | 0 | |a srp | |
| 049 | |a DE-12 |a DE-Re13 | ||
| 084 | |a 7,41 |2 ssgn | ||
| 100 | 1 | |a Komšić, Jovan |d 1952- |e Verfasser |0 (DE-588)1075516064 |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije |b ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji |c Jovan Komšić |
| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b JP Službeni Glasnik [u.a.] |c 2006 | |
| 300 | |a 573 S. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |a Edicija Stav |v 6 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Politisches System |0 (DE-588)4046584-6 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Regionalisierung |0 (DE-588)4177425-5 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Minderheitenrecht |0 (DE-588)4039411-6 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Demokratisierung |0 (DE-588)4124941-0 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Systemtransformation |0 (DE-588)4060633-8 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Politischer Wandel |0 (DE-588)4175047-0 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 7 | |a Serbien |0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 689 | 0 | 0 | |a Serbien |0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Politisches System |0 (DE-588)4046584-6 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Systemtransformation |0 (DE-588)4060633-8 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | |5 DE-604 | |
| 689 | 1 | 0 | |a Serbien |0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |D g |
| 689 | 1 | 1 | |a Regionalisierung |0 (DE-588)4177425-5 |D s |
| 689 | 1 | 2 | |a Demokratisierung |0 (DE-588)4124941-0 |D s |
| 689 | 1 | |5 DE-604 | |
| 689 | 2 | 0 | |a Serbien |0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |D g |
| 689 | 2 | 1 | |a Politischer Wandel |0 (DE-588)4175047-0 |D s |
| 689 | 2 | 2 | |a Minderheitenrecht |0 (DE-588)4039411-6 |D s |
| 689 | 2 | |5 DE-604 | |
| 830 | 0 | |a Edicija Stav |v 6 |w (DE-604)BV035209592 |9 6 | |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
| 940 | 1 | |n oe | |
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 320 |e 22/bsb |f 090511 |g 4971 |
| 943 | 1 | |a oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015614651 | |
Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819257487983902720 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Sadržaj
Strana
Predgovor
Glava
KRIZA ZAKASNELE TRANZICIJE: POLUDEMOKRATIJA
IKVAZIDRŽAVA
1.
2.
potencijali pluralističke paradigme
3.
4.
traganju za svojim predmetom
5.
eksperimentisanje
Glava
POLITIKA: IDEJE I AKTERI
1.
2.
neopredeljenosti
3.
4.
Glava III.
IZGRADNJA NACIJE: DILEME I KONTROVERZE
1.
pitanja
2.
3.
-
4.
5.
u multikulturnim društvima
-
Glava
DECENTRALIZACIJA I
J. Odnosi između centralnih i lokalnih vlasti
2.
3.
-
za regionalizaciju Srbije
4.
5.
-
višedimenzionalnosti
6.
7.
i Vlade Srbije
Glava
MANJINE: STANDARDI, ETNOKULTURNA PRAVDA,
(DEZ)INTEGRACIJA
1.
2.
3.
-
sistema
Rezime
Summary
Podaci
Registar imena
REZIME
Ovu knjigu čine ogledi
riodu
i politikološko-pravnim aspektima velikih
diferenciranom svetu postkomunizma. Naročita pažnja usmerena je na
probleme zakasnele i deformisane tranzicije u Srbiji, a to znači da su u
fokusu analize složena posredovanja kulture i institucionalne strukture
u jednom društvu koje se još nije oslobodilo grča duboke krize
i nije resilo još mnoge nedoumice u suočavanju sa brojnim „šokovima
stvarnosti . Ta relacija, zapravo, može biti uzeta za „crvenu nit temat¬
ski raznorodnih ogledanja političkih kontroverzi i teorijsko-ideoloških
dilema
države i nacije, kao i konsolidacije demokratije u heterogenom (multi¬
kulturnom, pluralnom) društvenom miljeu Vojvodine i Srbije u celini.
Sve to je, dakle, uticalo da radovi, od kojih je većina do sada objavljena u
tematskim zbornicima i časopisima, budu u ovoj knjizi grupisani u pet
tematskih
Prva glava (KRIZA ZAKASNELE TRANZICIJE: POLUDEMO-
KRATIJAIKVAZIDRŽAVA) sadrži pet eseja.
1.
renci tri osnovna pojma: „demokratija , „mediji i „politička javnost ,
prvi esej (Demokratija i javnost) posvećen je traganju za odgovorom
na pitanje: zašto svako društvo, koje hoće da bude demokratsko, mora
istovremeno da brani i podnosi slobodu štampe? Analizom ključnih sa-
vremenih definicija, kao i osnovnih pretpostavki liberalne demokratije,
osvetljavaju se ambivalentna priroda modernih tržišnih komunikacija i
učinci medija u odbrani temeljnog prava građana na slobodu govora, ja¬
vnog udruživanja i informisanja. Zaključak analize je da, bez obzira na
potencijalnu i stvarnu moć medija i vladavinskih sistema da pretvaraju
publiku u masu, a politiku u administriranje, slobodni i nezavisni medi¬
ji, ipak, predstavljaju nezamenljivi činilac interakcije društva i politike;
racionali-zacije javnog polja; civilne kontrole vlasti, kao i suprotstavlja¬
nja mono-polima na „proizvodnju značenja i oblikovanje mišljenja.
529
Dileme
2.
tegrativni potencijali pluralističke paradigme] polazi od sledeće ključne
teze: osim načelne entropičnosti svake krize preloma, nepostojanja ra¬
zvijenog civilnog društva, demokratske političke kulture, kao i „osvete
tradicije objektivno nehomogenih „civilizacija (u etničkom, konfesi¬
onalnom i regionalnom smislu), u
šku scenu i zasnivanje prvih demokratskih procedura bitno određivalo
postojanje snažnog političkog protivnika reformi i
tacije demokratske paradigme. Stoga su kipteća ekspanzija organizaci¬
onog pluralizma i politički rascepi, faktički, jedno iskrivljeno ogledalo
starih i novih monopola. Izoštravanjem partikularističkih zahteva na
račun širih potreba naroda i države, takav pluralizam deformiše gra¬
đansku svest i programe tranzicije.
3.
treći ogled [(Kvazi)državnost i reforme]. Problem transformacije drža¬
vne vlasti u Srbiji situiran je u imperativni okvir originalne, vremenski
i sektorski simultane modernizacije politike, prava, ekonomije, civil¬
nog društva i obrazaca političke kulture.
nedozrele države, katastrofalno lošeg izbora ciljeva „državnog prepo¬
roda i zakasnele tranzicije, autor poentira sledeću, najvažniju dilemu
aktuelnog političkog trenutka: kako revitalizovati neizbežnog arbitra,
reformisati ga u
gulatora tranzicione društvene dinamike i, istovremeno, kontrolisati
i ograničavati ekspanzivnu moć sebičnih interesa političke klase, što
prozvode krizu izneverenih očekivanja i slabljenje podrške reformama
od strane građana? Sledstveno tome, analiza rezultira zaključkom da,
uz sve ambivalentnosti političke ekonomije legitimnosti i efikasnosti
reformskih vlasti, kao i revitalizaciju „nacional-patriotske opozicije,
ipak, ima osnova za oprezni optimizam.
4.
kratskom traganju za svojim predmetom, analiziraju se dubinska soci-
jalno-politička izvorišta deformisane tranzicije i uzroci neostvarivanja
ključnih propozicija DOS-ovog „ugovora sa narodom
brzim i sveobuhvatnim ustavno-političkim reformama i normalizaciji
države, nakon
institucionalnih transformacija u Srbiji:
kratizacije i priroda refleksivnosti društva u Srbiji;
rizacije efekata političko-pravne tranzicije i kontroverze oko (dis)konti-
nuiteta;
u pristupu decentralizaciji države. Polazeći od utiska daje ustavni kon¬
senzus tako blizu i, istovremeno, tako daleko, autor misli da se ključ za
530
Rezime
objašnjenje problema nalazi u odgovoru na pitanje: šta sprečava partije,
kao neosporne »gospodare parlamenta i države u Srbiji, da konačno
uspostave „dugotrajni mirovni ugovor ?
5.
eksperimentisanje pokazuje da se
čko
aspektima klasičnog problema interakcije kulture i političke strukture.
Poseban izazov za „izgradnju nacije
politiku u „pluralnim društvima (Ekstein H.) predstavlja mogućnost
izbora jedne od nekoliko strategija liberalizacije i institucionalnog „re-
šavanja tzv. nacionalnog i državnog pitanja. Upravo taj aspekt
nalazi se u fokusu analitičke pažnje ovog rada.
Sučeljavajući nalaze novijih teorijskih istraživanja pretpostavki sta¬
bilizacije liberalne demokratije u pluralnim (heterogenim) društvima
tranzicije sa empirijskom evidencijom vrednosnih orijentacija popula¬
cije u Srbiji, kao i sa ključnim političkim projektima državnog uređenja,
autor zaključuje daje društvo u Srbiji bremenito brojnim, još neprevla¬
danim problemima i ambivalencijama rane tranzicije. To, naime, znači
da priroda socio-ekonomskih, istorijsko-etničkih, kulturno-vrednosnih
i ideološko-političkih rascepa Srbiju i dalje zadržava u zoni „teških dru¬
štava za demokratiju (Sartori G.).
Na putu ka konsolidaciji demokratije i modernizaciji Srbije susreta-
ćemo se, verovatno, još dugo sa objektivnim i subjektivnim razlozima ne¬
umornih institucionalnih inovacija i eksperimenata u rešavanju ključnog
problema
C.) i uspostavljanja održive ravnoteže sukoba i konsenzusa u Srbiji.
Drugu glavu knjige (POLITIKA: IDEJE I AKTERI) čini četiri rada.
1.
Srbiji autor se prevashodno bavi pitanjem: Koliko je vladajuća koalici¬
ja
sledstveno tome, dovoljno snažna poluga ekonomsko-političkih tran¬
sformacija društvenog organizma Srbije? U traganju za odgovorom, iz¬
dvojeno je pet ključnih tema:
demokratije ili rani jadi tranzicione netranzicije;
modeli politike;
i modernizacije;
za projekt asimetričnog regionalizma. Zaključak autora je da zaoštrava¬
nje unutardosovskih konflikata umnogome podseća na Šmitov
С.)
cije. U tom kontekstu se problem ustavno-zakonskih reformi u
531
Dileme
decentralizacije države i vraćanja autonomije Vojvodini prepušta „po¬
žarima strasti koji nisu dobar saveznik za uspostavljanje konsenzusa
temeljima nove države i demokratije.
2.
opredeljenosti, autor
političkih reformi i institucionalna neopredeljenost ključnih demokratskih
političkih aktera može da bude ne samo blokirajući činilac početnih reformi
u Srbiji, nego i faktor koji
3.
2000-2002.
u Srbiji, nakon
načelnoj problematizaciji fenomena partije
čitog principa i „poslovne organizacije . U drugom
nekoliko aspekata višepartijskog sistema Srbije, naročito problem odre¬
đenja prirode relevantnih partija, uključujući i njihovu tipologizaciju i
osvrt na programske orijentacije do
istraživanja obuhvata analizu programskih inovacija u vladajućoj
redefinisanje identiteta Srbije i uzroke kontroverzi između „DOS-mi-
nus i DSS, kao i programsko-političke pozicije aktera „starog režima
u novoj ulozi parlamentarne opozicije (SPS, SRS i SSJ).
4.
analizira ulogu i moć ideja slobode i demokratije u izrazito konfliktnom
procesu borbe za vlast, kakav je danas tranzicioni ambijent Srbije. Po¬
sebna pažnja posvećena je odnosu racionalnog i iracionalnog u politici;
paradoksima tzv. pozitivnih definicija grupne slobode i inkompatibil¬
nosti etnonacionalističke paradigme „suverene države sa autentičnim
idejama i institucijama liberalne demokratije. A kad su posredi šanse
slobode u kontekstu evolucije ključnih programskih ideja najuticajnijih
aktera stranačke scene u Srbiji, autor stoji na stanovištu da se, uz sve ne¬
predvidljivosti političke dinamike, nazire inicijacija kvalitativno nove
etape tranzicije političkog sistema i kulturnog obrasca u
nizacije i evropeizacije Srbije.
U sastavu Treće glave knjige (IZGRADNJA NACIJE: DILEME I
KONTROVERZE) nalazi se pet eseja.
1.
državnog pitanja propituje nekoliko ključnih unutrašnjo-političkih de¬
terminanti aktuelne ruske spoljne politike i njenog pristupa problemima
rešavanja nacionalnog i državnog pitanja u Jugoslaviji.
о
državnoj strategiji i modelima političkog uređenja koji će omogućiti
532
Rezime
prevladavanje duboke krize sistema u tranziciji (krize ekonomske efi¬
kasnosti, legitimnosti i političkog identiteta). U tom kontekstu, jednu
od žarišnih tačaka analize predstavljaju analogni problemi političke
tranzicije i pristupi rešavanju prava naroda na samoopredeljenje u SR
Jugoslaviji i Ruskoj Federaciji. Poseban aspekt navedene teme je pitanje
suvereniteta i odnos prema starim i novim idejama
pljenje i separatističkim pokretima, uključivši i unutrašnjo-političke i
globalne konsekvence krize na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Takva formulacija problema uslovila je da ogled bude podeljen na če¬
tiri
da bi, potom, analizirao odnos Kominterne prema nacionalnom pitanju
u Jugoslaviji i sadržaj polemike
na samoopredeljenje. Drugi deo je posvećen nacionalnom aspektu krize i
sloma real-socijalizma u SSSR-u, kao i aktuelnim debatama
nacionalizmu i državnom uređenju Ruske Federacije. Treći deo predsta¬
vljaju analize dubokih ruskih unutrašnjo-političkih
demokratskog (prozapadnjačkog) i „državno-patriotskog („slavjano-
filskog ) pristupa problemima ekonomsko-političkih reformi i strategiji
državne politike na unutrašnjem i međunarodnom planu. U poslednjem
delu, u
ktujú
prethodna razmatranja,
pozicija i interesa SRJ i RF i upućuje na moguće disonance.
2.
posvećen je preplitanju dva toka tranzicije:
društvu u kojem „još ne postoje građani, ili ih ima tek u neznatnom
broju
jače recidive starih struktura vlasti i mentaliteta. Uočavajući da je
manje-više opštoj pojavi u većini postkomunističkih režima, a naročito
u
tor analizira političke uzroke i nekoliko ključnih teorijskih objašnjenja
obnavljanja plemenskih energija i neotradicionalističkih obrazaca (an-
ti)politike u skladu sa maksimom: „Čini drugima ono što su drugi tebi
čmilťXWalzerM.).
Naročito kritikujući fatalističko stanovište da se sve što se desilo
poslednje decenije na ovim prostorima moralo baš tako desiti, autor
konstatuje
respondiraju domaće recepcije stanovišta jednog broja zapadnih autora
о
pe, kao „preduslovu za njenu tranziciju u
533
Dileme
Međutim, upozorava autor, zapadnobalkansku etnodemokratsku verzi¬
ju ovakve pozicije
mentalistické
zdravlje naroda
napredak nije neminovan. Najzad, na kraju ogleda, propituju se i šanse
rešavanja „zatvoreničke dileme plemenskih nacija posredstvom odgo¬
varajućeg pristupa regulisanju interetničkih komunikacija, kulture „po¬
mirenja i razumevanja , kao i liberalno-demokratskog institucionalnog
inženjeringa.
3.
naslovu pitanje. Ono glasi: Kako prepoznati „đavolje pomoćnike , a
odnosi se prevashodno na vojvođanska interkulturalna iskustva i dile¬
me. Posredi je pokušaj konkretnije dijagnoze sadašnjeg „stanja stvari i
identifikovanja pretpostavki za prevladavanje etnocentrizma i ksenofo¬
bije. Iz tih razloga, analiza je podeljena na četiri segmenta:
opštih teorijskih naznaka problema nacionalizma u društvima tranzici¬
je;
nističkog identiteta Srbije;
vanja društvenog karaktera u
u karakter
rovih propitivanja mogao bi se sažeti u
i ozbiljenja liberalne demokratije na vojvođanskom tlu nisu izgubljene.
Bez obzira na očigledno prisustvo isključivog nacionalizma u društve¬
nom životu, empirijska istraživanja potvrđuju da je nenacionalistička
orijentacija građana Vojvodine dva puta veća od takve u Srbiji, te da,
zahvaljujući prisustvu „alternativnog sindroma (neautoritarnosti, mo¬
dernizma, liberalizma i uravnoteženog odnosa prema naciji), pod uslo-
vom poboljšanja opšteg političkog ambijenta, multikulturna Vojvodina
može ubrzo postati „lokomotiva modernizacije srpske države.
4.
ska segmenta: a) jezički nacionalizam; c) tranziciona politika identite¬
ta i jezik i c) nekoliko liberalno-demokratskih merila jezičke politike
u pluralnim društvima, analitički se razlaže kompleksan problem
tkomunistické
tibilnost jezičkih nacionalizama i „kulturnih ratova sa logikom i insti¬
tucijama liberalne demokratije. Pri tome, u kontekstu nacionalističkih
(zlo)upotreba jezika u funkciji kreacije nekakvih „čistih identiteta ,
autor zaključuje: etički i teorijski najmanje pogrešan pristup problemu
može se uspostavljati ako, paralelno sa neotuđivim pravom na razli¬
kovanje i samoidentifikaciju, odbranimo i pravo na takve institucije i
534
Rezime
komunikativne prakse koje će nam pomoći da, kao slobodni ljudi, uo¬
čimo koliko smo slični. U tom slučaju, jezici će, kao ključne identitetske
matrice, manje biti zloupotrebljavani za svekolike
korišćeni u funkciji pluralne kreacije integrativnih identiteta; interakti¬
vne komunikacije; interesnih, materijalnih i kulturnih transakcija, te
razumevanja, uljudnosti i moralnosti.
5.
nim društvima
slednjeg eseja u ovoj glavi knjige. U tri tematska odeljka:
integracije i menadžmenta identiteta;
liberalno-demokratskoj izgradnji nacije i
zicione etnifikacije politike, razmatra se nekoliko relevantnih problema
integracije, institucionalnog inženjeringa i stabilizacije demokratije u
multikulturnom društvenom ambijentu Vojvodine i Srbije. Bez obzira na
istorijske i novije primere nadmoćnosti etnonacionalističke
rámé
cijetalna („konsocijacijska , „konsenzualna , „konkordancijska ) politika
prilagođivanja pluralnim identitetima i asimetrična decentralizacija dr¬
žave mogu da povećaju
komplementarnost logike države sa logikom demokratije.
Četvrta glava (DECENTRALIZACIJA I AUTONOMIJA/E/: KAKO
DALJE?) je najveća, u knjizi i ima sedam radova.
1.
okviru prvog
menti pravnog pojma „centralizacije i „decentralizacije , zatim, soci-
jalno-politički aspekti decentralizacije i lokalne demokratije; supsidi¬
jarnost; opština i grad; lokalna uprava i menadžment; sistem lokalne
samouprave i regionalizam. U drugom
organizacije vlasti u
pravnih standarda), analiziran je teorijsko-politički aspekt demokrat¬
ske autonomije u etnički pluralnim društvima, kao i pitanje manjina i
lokalne samouprave u evropskom pravno-političkom okviru.
2.
probleme decentralizacije, u drugom tekstu {Dokumenti političkih stra¬
naka u Republici Srbiji
rešenja najuticajnijih (parlamentarnih) partija u Srbiji, kao i platforme
vojvođanskih stranaka
3.
se vojvođansko pitanje u predlozima za regionalizaciju Srbije. Analizi¬
rajući najrelevantnije stručne predloge za regionalizaciju Srbije i njihov
535
Dileme
odnos prema autonomiji Vojvodine, autor uočava da su se, među novi¬
jim teorijskim inicijativama, izdiferencirala dva pristupa i tri osnovna
modela regionalizacije. Prvi pristup karakterističan je po ideji građan¬
skog utemeljenja državnosti i konsenzualnog uključivanja svih etničkih
zajednica u dogovor
modela političko-teritorijalne decentralizacije na načelima demokrati-
je, parlamentarizma, pravne države, zaštite manjina, konsocijacije, vi¬
sokog stepena samouprave teritorijalnih jedinica i supsidijarnosti. To
su:
(višestepeni) model decentralizacije posredstvom regiona i autonomnih
pokrajina. Za razliku od prvog pristupa, kritički nastrojenog prema do¬
minantnim trendovima konstituisanja etno-nacionalnih država u pos-
tkomunističkim društvima, drugi je zaokupljen
snosti upravljanja u demokratskoj nacionalnoj državi i, zato, treći mo¬
del, koji proizlazi iz razmišljanja ovakvog tipa, autor zove simetričnim
regionalizmom unitarne nacionalne države. Osporavajući pomenuti
model, koji je opsednut simetrijom i negira demokratsku funkcional¬
nost vojvođanske autonomije, autor se zalaže za takav pristup ustavnim
promenama koji će realno shvatiti potrebu procesa regionalizacije Srbije
na platformi asimetričnog regionalizma.
4.
đansko pitanje) glasi: kao što su, krajem
krajinskih autonomija bile prethodnica globalnom otvaranju „srpskog
nacionalnog pitanja u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, tako bi se danas moglo reći da
nedoumice i sporovi oko novog ustavnog profilisanja državnog uređe¬
nja Srbije, opet, u novom
ima osnova za tezu da će karakter njegovog rešavanja bitno opredeli-
ti šanse modernizacije („evropeizacije ) Srbije i stabilizacije ukupnih
ekonomsko-političkih reformi. Tome, odnosno analitičkom uvidu u
sadržaje starih i novih teorijsko-političkih modela autonomije u Srbiji,
prilagođena je i struktura teksta:
„decentralizacije i „autonomije ;
i SR Jugoslaviji;
ne;
predloži Demokratske stranke i Demokratske stranke Srbije.
5.
Srbiji
zionalnosti, postavlja se, pored ostalog, i ovakvo pitanje: možemo li u
potragama za „čistim identitetom i nacijom-državom, u multikultur¬
nom društvenom ambijentu, tražiti za sebe ono što nismo spremni da
priznamo i dozvolimo drugima? U tom kontekstu, autor ambiciju svog
536
Rezime
rada ograničava na promišljanje nekoliko relevantnih aspekata tranzi-
cione relacije kulture i strukture, iliti, procesa „redefinisanja identiteta
u „podeljenim i „pocepanim zemljama
se defmišu osnovni elementi pojma „društvenog identiteta i
ključna
zacije i menadžmenta identiteta u etnički pluralnim društvima. Uz to,
na relaciji: građansko
evolutivnoj dimenziji raspoloženja populacije u Srbiji
ja osamdesetih godina prošlog
godine. Potom se sekundarna analiza podataka usmerava na rezultate
nekoliko najsvežijih empirijskih istraživanja preovlađujućih privrženo¬
sti populacije u Srbiji i Vojvodini, kao i stavova građana
teritorijalne organizacije vlasti u Srbiji.
6.
promišljaju se ključni teorijski pojmovi, rasprave i iskustva „vertikalne
podele
ljem da se uputi na jedan set najrelevantnijih filozofsko-političkih i pra¬
vnih ideja, te socioloških i ekonomskih razloga za funkcionalnu decen¬
tralizaciju u Srbiji. U tom smislu, autor drži da se u ustavnim projektima
predsednika Srbije, kao i Vlade Srbije, promalja jedan, kvalitativno nov
pristup pluralnoj prirodi društva i zadacima stabilizacije demokratije u
tranzicionoj Srbiji.
7.
naslov je: Regionalizam u ustavnim modelima predsednika Srbije i Vla¬
de Srbije. Prvi deo rada posvećen je evropskom pristupu regionalizaciji
države; drugi deo
mokratske stranke Srbije prema autonomiji, a treći deo
regionalnih (pokrajinskih) autonomija u ustavnim predlozima
ne izvršne vlasti u Srbiji. Predloži predsednika države i vlade poređe-
ni su posredstvom trinaest indikatora. To su:
struktura državnog parlamenta;
ve;
ce;
8)
autonomne zajednice;
skupštine autonomne zajednice i
komparacije daju osnova za zaključak da smo ušli u fazu u kojoj usta¬
vni projekti novog državnog poretka, čiji su autori najuticajniji politički
akteri, po prvi put u modernoj istoriji Srbije, imaju više sličnosti nego
nepremostivih razlika.
537
Dileme
Peta glava [MANJINE: STANDARDI, ETNOKULTURNA PRA¬
VDA, (DEZINTEGRACIJA] sadrži tri teksta.
1.
činje sa relevantnim teorijskim, napomenama i dijagnozama stanja na
Balkanu. U tom smislu, suštinu problema ne čine samo „sukobi između
država zbog manjina , odnosno „prevaziđenost zastarelih metoda rasa-
vanja konflikata, tj. ratova, sukoba i državnog hegemonizma (Milovan
Đilas), već i niz drugih, objektivno uslovljenih nedoumica
tvornijim mehanizmima harmonizacije etničkih razlika. Jedna od njih
svakako leži u činjenici da „pravna teorija ne može da odredi tačnu for¬
mulu tih rešenja , jer, „ne postoji samo jedan tačan odgovor na tzv. na¬
cionalno pitanje ...
instrumenata i politike zaštite manjina leže vrlo kompleksne realnosti,
različite tradicije, teško nasleđe, duboki rascepi, teorijske kontroverze
i često nepomirljivi politički interesi, koji se kriju iza polarizovanih
odgovora na pitanje: čemu dati prioritet
vidualnih ili, pak, zaštiti kolektivnih prava?
Da je
mogućavanja demokratskih rešenja, na svoj način, objašnjavaju slede-
ća dva autorska stanovišta. Prvo je da se „u državama koje tek nastaju
problem manjinske zaštite ne može rešavati putevima tradicionalnih
ljudskih prava... ovo pretpostavlja novo razumevanje države; ona se ne
može zasnivati samo na društvu atomizovanih ravnopravnih indivi¬
dua, već i na kolektivnim zajednicama koje konsenzusom vode ka višim
državnim zajednicama (Fleiner
Drugi pristup takođe polazi od teze da unutrašnji i međunarodni
standardi moraju priznavati i štititi pravo pripadnika manjine na oču¬
vanje svoje kulture, religije i jezika u zajednici sa ostalim članovima.
Ali, poentirajući opasnosti „isterivanja đavola uz pomoć
ralno gledano, u grupnim pravima ne nalazi cilj međunarodne politike
manjina. Centralna tačka treba da ostanu garancije i realne šanse da
članovi manjine
vo društvo pruža jednako kao i drugi članovi tog društva i bez diskri¬
minacije (Ritštig H.).
Sledstveno navedenim problemima i idejama, u daljem tekstu se
analiziraju novi standardi OUN („Deklaracija
nacionalnih, etničkih, jezičkih ili verskih manjina ), naročito aktuel-
ni evropski standardi i instrumenti zaštite manjinskih prava. Radi
sledećim dokumentima Saveta Evrope:
skih prava i osnovnih sloboda ;
538
-----------------------------------------
manjinskim jezicima ;
manjina , kao
2)
Najsažetiji nalaz ovakvog „iščitavanja navedenih dokumenata je:
tradicionalna filozofija individualnih prava i sloboda rekonceptualizo-
vana je i inovirana usmerenjem ka institucionalizaciji jednog seta ko¬
lektivnih prava pripadnika manjina. Naročita pažnja posvećena je pra¬
vima u sferi negovanja i unapređenja kulturnog identiteta
jezika i pisama, informisanja i obrazovanja, kao i delotvorne političke
demokratije, odnosno učešća u javnom životu posredstvom odgovara¬
jućih izbornih procedura i mehanizama zastupljenosti manjina u politi¬
čkim institucijama, uključujući i mogućnost teritorijalnih i personalnih
(neteritorijamih) autonomija. Na taj način, prekoračuje se horizont tzv.
negativnih prava i obavezuju države na kreaciju niza pozitivnih
akcija.
2.
ni faktor) autor polazi od teze da je pitanje
cijala nacionalnih manjina veoma kompleksno i na njega nije moguće
dati jednoznačan odgovor. Posebno nije moguće univerzalizovati bilo
koje rešenje, ni u temporalnom, niti u konkretnom nacionalnom i drža-
vno-političkom slučaju. Ipak, autor ukazuje na civilizacijske tekovine,
kao što je pravo na slobodu etničkog izbora, odnosno na integraciju uz
različitost. Ova i druga načelna pitanja integracije manjina u tranzici-
onim društvima, sa posebnim osvrtom na probleme u SR Jugoslaviji,
analiziraju se, u prvom
ma manjinama
multikulturne države). Drugi deo rada posvećen je autorovom viđenju
internih (unutarmanjinskih) i eksternih (političko sistemskih i među¬
narodnih) pretpostavki demokratske integracije manjina u političku i
društvenu zajednicu.
3.
i tokovi politike na ovim prostorima), složen, dinamičan i promenljiv,
plastično pokazuje i činjenica daje poslednji tekst u ovoj knjizi (Zakon
о
zakona u reformama političkog sistema) posvećen vrlo značajnom zako¬
nu sada već nepostojeće države. Kad su posredi osnovni ciljevi i sadržaji
saveznog (SRJ) Zakona
autor stoji na stanovištu da ovakav zakonski tekst, kojim se na jednom
mestu
njina, predstavlja značajan korak
539
Dileme
te da svojim principima i instrumentima izražava i podstiče trend pro-
filisanja kvalitativno novih, liberalno-demokratskih matrica života,
kulture i politike. Istovremeno, u kontekstu kritičkih refleksija, kao i
pozitivnih stručnih i političkih
da će karakter društvenih konsekvenci zakona
i nepoželjnih, biti određen prevashodno stepenom njegove primene ili
neprimene od strane federalnih i republičkih vlasti. Ništa manje rele¬
vantni faktori biće i ponašanje etnonacionalne većine, kao i samih ma¬
njinskih zajednica, njihova sposobnost samoorganizovanja, racionalne
artikulacije sopstvenih interesa i, konačno, zrelost u kreaciji i obezbeđe-
nju unutrašnjeg demokratizma.
540
SUMMARY
This book comprises essays on political transition in Serbia, written
in the
and politicological-legal aspects of the great changes in the now already
considerably differentiated world of post-communism. Particular atten¬
tion is focused on the problems of an overdue and deformed transition
in Serbia, meaning that in the centre of the analysis there are complex
interactions of culture and institutional structure in a society that has
not yet emerged from the grip of a deep crisis of the change and has not
resolved still numerous dilemmas in the confrontation with the many
shocks of the reality . This relationship may actually be taken as the
red thread of the topically various reflections of political controversies
and theoretic-ideological dilemmas concerning the aims, contents, pace
and means of building a modern state and nation, as well as of con¬
solidation of democracy in a heterogeneous (multicultural, pluralist)
social setting of
caused the essays, the majority of which have so far been published in
thematic anthologies and periodicals, to be grouped in this book in five
topical wholes.
First chapter (CRISIS OF AN OVERDUE TRANSITION: SEMI-
DEMOCRACY AND QUASI-STATE) comprises five essays.
1.
references of the three basic concepts: democracy , media and po¬
litical public , the first essay (Democracy and the Public) is devoted to
the search for an answer to the question: Why every society, wishing to
be democratic, must at the same time defend and tolerate freedom of
the press? By analysing the key contemporary definitions, as well as the
basic prerequisites for liberal democracy, light is shed on the ambiva¬
lent nature of modern market communications and the performance
of the media in the defence of the fundamental rights of citizens to the
freedom of speech, public assembly and information. The conclusion
of the analysis is that, irrespective of the potential and actual power of
the media and the governing systems of turning the audiences into a
crowd, and the politics into administration, the free and independent
541
Dileme
media constitute nevertheless an irreplaceable factor of interaction of
the society and politics; rationalization of the public domain, civilian
control over the government, as well as opposition to the monopolies to
manufacturing the meaning and shaping opinions.
2.
and (Dis)Integrative Potentials of a Pluralist Paradigm) proceeds from
the following key premise: Apart from a principled entropy of every cri¬
sis of a rupture, the non-existence of a developed civil society, demo¬
cratic political culture, as well as the revenge of the tradition of ob¬
jectively non-homogeneous civilizations (in ethnic, confessional and
regional sense), in the SFRY and the USSR the ideological scene and
establishment of initial democratic procedures were essentially deter¬
mined by the existence of a powerful political opponent of the reform
and consistent implementation of a democratic model. For this reason,
the boiling expansion of organizational pluralism and political splits are
actually one distorted mirror of old and new monopolies. In sharpen¬
ing particularistic demands at the expense of broader needs of the peo¬
ple and the state, such pluralism distorts civic awareness and transition
programmes.
3.
also by the third essay entitled (Quasi)-Statehood and Reforms). The
problem of transformation of the state power in Serbia has been put in
the imperative framework of the original, temporally and departmen-
tally simultaneous modernization of policy, law, economy, civil society
and the models of political culture. In view of the hard heritage of an
immature state, disastrously wrong choice of the state transforma¬
tion targets and an overdue transition, the author makes a point of the
following, most important dilemma of the current political moment:
how to revitalize the inevitable arbiter, how to reform him towards an
authoritative and competent
social dynamics and, simultaneously, how to control and limit the ex¬
panding power of selfish interests of the political class that produce the
crisis of betrayed expectations and weakening of the support for the re¬
forms on part of the citizens? Consequently, the analysis results in the
conclusion that notwithstanding all the ambivalences of the political
economy of the legitimacy and efficiency of the reform authorities, as
well as revitalization of the national-patriotic opposition, there is still
reason for cautious optimism.
4.
Democratic Search for its Subject, analysed are the deep social-political
sources of the deformed transition and the causes of non-realization of
542
Summary
the key propositions of the DOS s compact with the people of the year
2000 -
and the normalization of the State after the replacement of the Milose¬
vic regime. The cases in point are the following aspects of institutional
transformations in Serbia:
tion
the evaluation of the effects of political and legal transition and contro¬
versies over
constitutional issue and the differences in the approach to decentraliza¬
tion of the State. All in all, proceeding from the impression that the con¬
stitutional consensus is so close and at the same time so far, the author
is of the opinion that the key to the explanation of the problem is to be
found in the answer to the question: What is preventing the parties as
indisputable masters of the parliament and of the State in Serbia from
finally establishing a durable peace agreement ?
5.
tional Experimentation shows that the post-communist transition of
political-economic institutions and cultural patterns are facing numer¬
ous aspects of the classical problems of interaction of the cultural and
political structure. A special challenge for the building of a nation
(Nation Building) and
H.) constitutes a possibility of choice of one out of the several strategies
of liberalization and institutional settlement of the so-called national
and state issue. This very aspect of the changes is in the focus of analyti¬
cal attention of this essay.
By confronting the findings of more recent theoretical research
into the prerequisites for stabilization of liberal democracy in pluralist
(heterogeneous) societies of transition with empirical data of the value
orientations of the population in Serbia, as well as with the key politi¬
cal projects of the state system, the author concludes that the society in
Serbia is burdened with numerous still unsurmounted problems and
ambivalences of early transition. This, namely, means that the nature of
socio-economic, historical-ethical, cultural-value and ideological-polit¬
ical rifts continues to keep Serbia in the zone of the so-called difficult
societies for democracy
Be it as it may, on the road to the consolidation of democracy and
modernization of Serbia we shall be meeting, probably still for a long
time to come, with objective and subjective reasons of untiring institu¬
tional innovations and experiments in the settlement of the crucial prob¬
lem
tablishment of a sustainable balance of conflict and consensus in Serbia.
543
Dileme
The second chapter of the book (POLITICS, IDEAS AND PRO¬
TAGONISTS) comprises four essays.
1.
of Democracy in Serbia the author deals primarily with the question:
To what extent has the ruling coalition (DOS) become a homogeneous
and effective democratic political protagonist and, consequently, a suf¬
ficiently strong lever of economic-political transformations of the so¬
cial organism of Serbia? In the search for the answer the following five
crucial topics have been set apart:
fant maladies of democracy or early woes of transitional non-transition;
2)
(neo)traditiona-lism and modernization;
Vojvodina
gionalism. The author concludes that exacerbation of the intra-DOS
conflicts very much reminds of C. Schmitt s belicist policy model and
that this altogether is in danger of a blockade of the just incepted transi¬
tion. In that context, the problem of legal reforms towards decentraliz¬
ing the State and returning autonomy to
to the flames of passions which are not a good ally in establishment of
a consensus in the foundations of the new state and democracy.
2.
of Institutional Uncommitedness, the author argues the case that disre¬
garding the issue of political reforms and institutional uncommitedness
of the key democratic political protagonists may not only be a blocking
factor of the initial reforms in Serbia, but also a factor threatening to
settle the very future of transition badly.
3.
tion of the Parties in the
tions of the relevant political parties in Serbia after October
The first segment of the essay deals with the principled definition of the
party phenomenon
and a business organization . The second part deals with the analysis
of the several aspects of the multi-party system of Serbia, particularly
the problem of determining the nature of the relevant parties, including
their typology, and a reference to the programmatic orientation up to
the year
of the programmatic innovations in the ruling DOS, redefinition of the
identity of Serbia and the causes of the controversy between the DOS-
minus and the DSS, as well as the programmatic-political positions of
the protagonists of the old regime in the new role of the parliamentary
opposition (SPS, SRS, and SSJ).
544
-----------------------------------------
4,
ics of joint membership analyses the role and the power of the ideas of
freedom and democracy in an evidently conflicting process of a power
struggle, such as the transitional environment of Serbia is today. Spe¬
cial attention is devoted to relationship of the rational and the irrational
in politics, the paradoxes of the so-called positive definitions of group
freedom and incompatibility of the ethno-nationalistic paradigm of the
sovereign State with authentic ideas and institutions of liberal democ¬
racy. And when it is the case of the prospects of freedom in the con¬
text of evolution of the key programmatic ideas of the most influential
protagonists of the party scene in Serbia, the author takes the position
that with all the unpredictability of political dynamics one discerns the
initiation of a qualitatively
and the cultural pattern towards modernization and Europeanization
of Serbia.
Within the framework of the Third Chapter of the book (NATION
BUILDING: DILEMMAS AND CONTROVERSIES) there are five essays.
1.
National and State Issue probes several key internal-political determi¬
nants of the current Russian foreign policy and its approach to the prob¬
lems of solution of the national and State issue in Yugoslavia. It is first
of all about the character of the topical theoretic-political controversy
about the nation State strategy and the models of political order that
will make possible overcoming of the deep crisis of a transition system
(crises of economic efficiency, legitimacy and political identity). In that
context, one of the focal points of the analysis constitutes the analogous
problems political transition and approaches to the settlement of the
rights of people to self-determination in the FR Yugoslavia and Rus¬
sian Federation. The special aspect of the said theme is the issue of sov¬
ereignty and attitude to old and new ideas of the right to secession
and separatist movements, including also internal political and global
consequences of the crisis in Kosovo and
Such formulation of the problem called for the essay to be divid¬
ed in four parts. In the first one, the author points out the attainments
and the gist of the idea of
attitude of the Comintern to the national issue in Yugoslavia and the
content of polemics of
self-determination. The second part is devoted to the national aspect
of the crisis and the collapse of real-socialism in the USSR, as well as
to the topical debates on democracy, nationalism and the state system
545
Dileme
of the Russian Federation. The third part is taken up by the analysis of
deeply Russian internal political divisions
western) and state-patriotic ( Pan-Slav ) approach to the problems of
economic-political reforms and the state policy strategy in the internal
and international fields. In the last part, within the context of the ques¬
tion: How do the strategic and state interests of Russia relate to the set¬
tlement of the problems in Kosovo and
ming up is done of the previous discussions, identification undertaken
of the essential coincidences of political positions and interests of the SR
Yugoslavia and the RF and possible dissonances hinted at.
2.
nations is devoted to the intermingling of the two courses of transition:
1)
there are, but only in insignificant number (Heller
modernistic revenge of tradition , with weaker or stronger relapses of
old structures of power and mentality. Observing that the case in hand
is more or less of a general phenomenon in the majority of post-com¬
munist regimes, and particularly, in the light of the most cruel ambi¬
ence of transition in Caucasus or in the Balkans, the author analyses the
political causes and several crucial theoretical explanations of renewal
of tribal energies and neo-traditionalist patterns of
keeping with the maxim: Do to the others what the others did to you
(Walzer
Criticizing particularly the fatalistic point of view that everything
that happened in the past decade in these regions had to happen just
in that way, he concludes that the maxims on the impossibility of liv¬
ing together correspond very much so to the domestic reception of the
viewpoint of a certain number of western authors on the inevitable
logic of the situation and neo-traditionalism of the Eastern Europe as
the prerequisite for its transition to modernity (Staniszkis J.). How¬
ever, the author warns that the west Balkan ethno-democratic version
of this stance divides only one step from a deeper historical paralysis,
fundamentalist concepts of ethno-nation state and glorification of war
that maintains the health of the nation Hegel G.W.F.), and which, in
fact, means that neither this time is progress inevitable. Finally, at the
end of the essay, examined are the chances of resolving the prisoner
dilemma of the tribal nations by means of an appropriate approach to
the regulation of inter-ethnic communications, the culture of recon¬
ciliation and understanding , as well as a liberal-democratic institution¬
alised engineering.
546
-----------------------------------------
3.
has in it s heading a question. It runs as follows: How to recognize the
devil s helpmates , and refers predominantly to the Vojvodina-type in-
tercultural experiences and dilemmas. It is about the attempt at a more
concrete diagnosis of the present state of the affairs and identifica¬
tion of the preconditions for overcoming of ethno-centralism and xeno¬
phobia. For these reasons the analysis is divided into four segments:
several general theoretical indications of the problem of nationalism in
the transition societies;
national elite in the formation of the post-communist identity of Ser¬
bia;
social character in the light of national conflicts, and
into the character of the changes of social awareness of
essential result of the author s questioning could be summarized in an
assessment that all prospects of modernization and of making liberal
democracy more real on the
of the evident presence of the exclusive nationalism in the social life
of
orientation of the citizens of
in Serbia, and that due to the presence of the alternative syndrome
(non-authoritarianism, modernism, liberalism and unbalanced attitude
to the nation) on condition of improving the general political ambience
the multicultural
modernization of the Serbian State.
4.
prised of three basic topical segments: a) Linguistic nationalism, b)
Transitional policy of identity and the language, and c) A few liberal-
democratic criteria for the linguistic policy in pluralist societies, ana¬
lytical dissection is being done on the complex problem of the post-
communist building of a democratic nation and probing of the (in)
compatibility of the linguistic nationalism and cultural wars with the
logic and institutions of liberal democracy. While at it, in the context
of nationalistic (mis)use of the language in the function of creation of
some pure identities , the author concludes: Ethically and theoretically
the least wrong approach to the problem may be established if parallel
with the inalienable right to differentiation and self-identification, we
successfully defend also the right to such institutions and communica¬
tive practices that would help us as free men, observe how similar we all
are. In that case, languages as key identity paradigms will be less abused
for various divisions and rifts, and used more in the function of pluralist
creation of
547
Dileme
material and cultural transactions, as well as of understanding, civility
and morality.
5.
cultural Societies -the
the title of the last essay in this chapter of the book. In three topical seg¬
ments:
2)
ing, and
politics; consideration is given to a few relevant problems of integration,
institutional engineering and stabilization of democracy in the multi¬
cultural social ambience of
more recent examples of superiority of ethno-national (monocultural
and ethnocentrist) strategy, the author s viewpoint is that only consoci-
etal ( consociational , consensual , concordant ) policy of adaptation
to pluralist identities and as asymmetric decentralization of the state can
increase the density of legitimacy of the social order, and, thus, ensure
the complementarity of the state logic to the democracy logic.
Fourth chapter (DECENTRALIZATION AND AUTONOMY/AU¬
TONOMIES: HOW TO PROCEED FURTHER?) is the biggest chapter
in this book and comprises seven works.
1.
ties), in the first part of this work (Concepts, problems and institutions),
the elements of the legal term »centralization« and »decentralization«
were taken into consideration as well as the socio-political aspects of
the decentralization and local democracy; subsidiarity; municipality
and city; local management; the system of local self-government and
regionalism. In the second part of this work (The problem of rule man¬
agement in Kosovo presented in the light of theory of ethnic conflicts
and international law standards) the theoretical and political aspect of
democratic autonomy in the ethnically plural societies was analyzed as
well as the question of minorities and local self-government in the Eu¬
ropean legal and political frames.
2.
key concepts and problems of decentralization, the second part of the
text (The documents of the political parties in the Republic of Serbia
about autonomy) focuses on the program solutions of the most influ¬
ential (parliamentarian) parties in Serbia, as well as the platform of the
parties in
3.
the issue of
548
Summary
Analyzing expert proposals for
titude towards the autonomy of
among the more recent theoretical initiatives, two approaches and three
basic models of
proach is characterized by the idea of civic establishment of statehood
and consensual involment of all ethnic communities to reach agreement
on the new Constitution. In that framework, two models of political and
theoretical initiatives based on the principles of democracy,
tarism,
of self-government by the territorial units and subsidiariness have been
singled out. These models are:
gionalism and
means of regions and autonomous provinces. Unlike the first approach,
which is critically turned towards the dominant trends of constituting
ethno-national states, the second approach deals with the idea of effi¬
ciency in governing the democratic national State and, that is why, the
author calls, the third approach, which comes from such thinking, the
symmetric regionalism of unitary national state. By denying the men¬
tioned model, which is obsessed by symmetry and denies the demo¬
cratic functionality of the Vojvodina s autonomy, the author stands for
such approach of constitutional changes that will really understand the
necessity for the process of
asymmetric regionalism.
4.
the
versies concerning the provincial autonomies were an advanced party
of the global opening of the Serbian national question in former Yu¬
goslavia, so that it could be said today that dilemmas and disputes con¬
cerning new constitutional definition of Serbian social system, again,
in the new light, open the
for the thesis that the character of its solution will fundamentally deter¬
mine the prospects of modernization of Serbia (Europeanization) and
stabilization of overall economic and political reforms. The structure
of the text was adapted to the analytical insight of contents of the old
and new theoretical
political definition of the term
2) Vojvodina -
of Yugoslavia;
Serbia after Milosevic current political controversies and constitutional
proposals of the Democratic party and the Democratic party of Serbia.
549
Dileme
5.
ess of social transition in Serbia
social multidimension, following question has been asked: Could we,
in search of pure identity and nation
rounding, ask for things we are not ready to accept and allow the others
to have? In that context, the author limited his ambition of this work to
thinking of few relevant aspects of transitional cultural relations and
structure, or, thinking of the process of redefining of the identity in
divided and broken countries.
necessary to define the basic elements of the term social identity and
present the key places of theoretical findings of transitional strategy of
democratization and identity management in the ethnically plural soci¬
eties. With that, on the socio-etnonational relation, the great attention
was paid to the evolutional dimension of the people s mood in Serbia
from the eighties of the last century to the year
2000
were directed to the results of few freshest empirical findings relating
to the devotions of people of Serbia and
as the citizen s attitude towards modalities of governmental territorial
organization in Serbia.
6.
autonomy , the key theoretical issues, disputes and experiences of the
vertical division of the power« in the the development of euro-atlantic
statehood were thought out with the aim to point out one set of rel¬
evant philosophical-political and legal ideas, wherefore social and eco¬
nomic reasons for functional decentralization in Serbia. In that sense,
the author maintains that in the constitutional projects done for the
President of the Republic of Serbia and President of the Government of
the Republic of Serbia one qualitatively new approach to plural nature
of society and the tasks to stabilize the democracy in transitional Serbia
is starting to show.
7.
title is: Regionalism in the constitutional models for the President of the
Republic of Serbia and the President of the Government of the Republic of
Serbia . The first part of this work is dedicated to the European approach
to the
worked out by the Democratic party and Democratic party of Serbia
which concerns autonomy, and the third part relates to the positioning
of regional (provincial) autonomy in constitutional proposals by two
sides of executive power in Serbia. The proposols by the President of the
550
-----------------------------------------
State and government were compared by using thirteen indicators and
they were as follows:
state
definition of the regional autonomy;
community;
thority assumptions;
legal act of the autonomy;
11)
lamentarían
results of the comparison offer basis for the conclusion that we entered
the phase in which the constitutional projects of new state order, whose
authors were the most influential political actors, for the first time in the
modern history of Serbia, have more similarities rather than unnegoti-
able differences.
Fifth chapter (MINORITIES: STANDARDS, ETHNOCULTURAL
JUSTICE, (DISINTEGRATION) comprises three texts:
1.
minorities) begins with relevant teorethical comments and diagnosis of
conditions in the Balkans. In that sense, the essence of the problem is not
only »the conflict between the states because of the minorities«, namely
surpassion
conflicts and state hegemony«
other real doubts about the most efficient mehanisms of harmonization
of ethnic differences. One of them lies in the fact that »legal theory can¬
not define the exact formula of those solutions«, because »there is no one
single exact answer to the so called national question ...«
other words, in the background of
protection policy lies very complex realities, different traditions, cumber¬
some heritage, deep
unacquiescent political interests which hide behind polarised answers to
the following question: »Who should be given the priority
protection of individual or collective rights?«
Each in its own way, the following two stands demonstrate to the
fabrication of problems and to political strategies aimed at preventing
democratic solutions. The first one is that
issue of minorities protection can not be resolved by using traditional
human rights... this presupposes a new understanding of the State; the
State can not be based only on a society consisting of atomized and equal
individuals, but as well on collective communities which head toward
state communities through consensus
551
Dileme
The second approach begins with the thesis that inner and inter¬
national standards have to be recognized and they need to protect the
rights of members of minority in order for the minority to preserve its
culture, religion and language in the community with other members.
But, by pointing out the danger of performing the exorcism with Sa¬
tan s help the international minority policy cannot achieve its goal in
the collective law. The central point should be the garantees and real
chances that members of minority ...enjoy their human rights and pos¬
sibilities their society offer, equally and just like other members
society, and without discrimination
Consequently to the above-mentioned problems and ideas, the text
further analyzes new standards of OUN ( Declaration on rights of na¬
tional, ethnic, lingual or religious minorities )» focusing on current Eu¬
ropean standards and instruments of protection of minority rights. It
deals with the following documents of the Council of Europe:
vention for protection of human rights and basic freedoms ;
pean charter on regional and minority languages ;
tion for the protection of national minorities , as well as with the
standards:
Oslo and Lund.
The most concise description of such reading of the mentioned
documents is: Traditional philosophy of individual rights and freedoms
has been reconceptualized and innovated by new trends towards insti¬
tutes of one set of collective rights of members of minority. Special at¬
tention has been paid to the rights in the sphere of care and improvement
of cultural identity
education, as well as the efficient political democracy, that is the partici¬
pation in public life by means of adequate elective procedures and meha-
nisms of minority representatives in political institutions, including the
possibility of territorial and personal autonomies. In that way, the hori¬
zon of the so-called negative rigths has been overstepped and the states
were obliged to create a number of positive measures and actions.
2.
factor) the author begins with the thesis that the question of
grative
possible to give an unambiguous answer. It is not possible to univerzal-
ize any kind of solution, in temporal or concrete national state-political
case. Anyway, the author points out achievements of civilization, like
the right to freedom of ethnic speech, that is, integration with differ¬
ences. These and other provisional questions of minority intergration
552
-----------------------------------------
in transitional societies, with special retrospective view to problems
in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, are being analyzed in the first part
of this work, in the context of three models relating to minorities
monocultural state;
The second part of this work is dedicated to author s view of internal
(inner minorities) and external (political-systematic and international)
assumptions of democratic integrations of minorities into political and
social community.
3.
and political flows in this region) is complex, dynamic, and changeable,
shows the fact that the last text in this book (The law of protection of
human rights and freedom of national minorities
role of the law in the reform of the political system) is dedicated to the
very significant law of today non-existing state. Anyway, in the matter
of basic goals and contents of Federal law of protection of rights and
freedoms of national minorities, according to author s standpoint, that
this law text, which in one place regulates the whole bunch of rights and
freedoms of members of national minority, represents a significant step
forward in relation to the inherited status, and with its principles and
instruments expresses and urges the trend of
new, liberal-democratic matrix of life, culture and policy. At the same
time, in the context of critical reflections, as well as positive professional
and political evaluations of the law, the author s standpoint is that the
character of social consequences of the law of minorities, the wanted
and unwanted, be determined primarily by the level of its application
by federal and republic power. Nonetheless, the relevant factors will be
the behavior of the majority, as well as the behavior of minority com¬
munities, their capability of self-organization, rational articulation of
their own interests, and finally the maturity in creating and securing
the inner democracy.
553
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Komšić, Jovan 1952- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1075516064 |
| author_facet | Komšić, Jovan 1952- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Komšić, Jovan 1952- |
| author_variant | j k jk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV022406090 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)237126757 (DE-599)BVBBV022406090 |
| format | Book |
| fullrecord | <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>02562nam a2200589 cb4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">BV022406090</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-604</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20170329 </controlfield><controlfield tag="007">t|</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">070427s2006 xx |||| 00||| srp d</controlfield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">8675495323</subfield><subfield code="9">86-7549-532-3</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">9788675495321</subfield><subfield code="9">978-86-7549-532-1</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(OCoLC)237126757</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-599)BVBBV022406090</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-604</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">srp</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="049" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-12</subfield><subfield code="a">DE-Re13</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="084" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">7,41</subfield><subfield code="2">ssgn</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Komšić, Jovan</subfield><subfield code="d">1952-</subfield><subfield code="e">Verfasser</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)1075516064</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije</subfield><subfield code="b">ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji</subfield><subfield code="c">Jovan Komšić</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Beograd</subfield><subfield code="b">JP Službeni Glasnik [u.a.]</subfield><subfield code="c">2006</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">573 S.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">n</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">nc</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="490" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Edicija Stav</subfield><subfield code="v">6</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="500" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Zsfassung in engl. Sprache</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Politisches System</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4046584-6</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Regionalisierung</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4177425-5</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Minderheitenrecht</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4039411-6</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Demokratisierung</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4124941-0</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Systemtransformation</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4060633-8</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Politischer Wandel</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4175047-0</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Serbien</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4054598-2</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Serbien</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4054598-2</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Politisches System</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4046584-6</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">Systemtransformation</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4060633-8</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="5">DE-604</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Serbien</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4054598-2</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Regionalisierung</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4177425-5</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="1" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">Demokratisierung</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4124941-0</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="5">DE-604</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="2" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Serbien</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4054598-2</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="2" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Politischer Wandel</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4175047-0</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="2" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">Minderheitenrecht</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4039411-6</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="2" ind2=" "><subfield code="5">DE-604</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="830" ind1=" " ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Edicija Stav</subfield><subfield code="v">6</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-604)BV035209592</subfield><subfield code="9">6</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Inhaltsverzeichnis</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Abstract</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="940" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="n">oe</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="942" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="c">320</subfield><subfield code="e">22/bsb</subfield><subfield code="f">090511</subfield><subfield code="g">4971</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="943" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015614651</subfield></datafield></record></collection> |
| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien |
| id | DE-604.BV022406090 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T12:54:40Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 8675495323 9788675495321 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015614651 |
| oclc_num | 237126757 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 573 S. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | JP Službeni Glasnik [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Edicija Stav |
| series2 | Edicija Stav |
| spellingShingle | Komšić, Jovan 1952- Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji Edicija Stav Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd Regionalisierung (DE-588)4177425-5 gnd Minderheitenrecht (DE-588)4039411-6 gnd Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4046584-6 (DE-588)4177425-5 (DE-588)4039411-6 (DE-588)4124941-0 (DE-588)4060633-8 (DE-588)4175047-0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji |
| title_auth | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji |
| title_exact_search | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji |
| title_full | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji Jovan Komšić |
| title_fullStr | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji Jovan Komšić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji Jovan Komšić |
| title_short | Dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije |
| title_sort | dileme demokratske nacije i autonomije ogledi o politickoj tranziciji u srbiji |
| title_sub | ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji |
| topic | Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd Regionalisierung (DE-588)4177425-5 gnd Minderheitenrecht (DE-588)4039411-6 gnd Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Politisches System Regionalisierung Minderheitenrecht Demokratisierung Systemtransformation Politischer Wandel Serbien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015614651&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV035209592 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT komsicjovan dilemedemokratskenacijeiautonomijeoglediopolitickojtranzicijiusrbiji |