Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna: materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma
Gespeichert in:
| Weitere beteiligte Personen: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Russisch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
S-Peterburg
Bulanin
1999
|
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=008855821&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=008855821&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Paralleltitel: Russia and first World War |
| Umfang: | 562 S. |
| ISBN: | 5860072112 |
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| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a Russia and first World War |
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 500 | |a Paralleltitel: Russia and first World War | ||
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| 700 | 1 | |a Smirnov, Nikolaj Nikolaevič |d 1952- |0 (DE-588)102374595X |4 edt | |
| 710 | 2 | |a Institut rossijskoj istorii |b Sankt-Peterburgskij filial |e Sonstige |0 (DE-588)5093447-8 |4 oth | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819246483378012160 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | СОДЕРЖА
НИЕ
H. H.
Смирнов. Предисловие
......................................................... 5
W. G.
Rosenberg. Introduction
......................................................... 9
I.
ТЕОРИИ, КОНЦЕПЦИИ, МЕТОДОЛОГИИ
Леопольо Хаймсон (США). Развитие политического и социального кризиса в России в период
от кануна Первой мировой войны до Февральской революции
......................
J
7
Р. Ш. Ганелин, М. Ф. Флоринский. От И. Л. Горемыкина к Б. В Штюрмеру: Верховная
власть и Совет министров (сентябрь
1915—
январь
19Í6
гг.)
........................ 34
Дэниел Орловски (США). Великая война и российская память
............................. 49
В. Л. Дьячков, Л. Г. Протасов. Великая война и общественное сознание: превратности
индокринации и восприятия
................................................... 58
Дискуссия
......................................................................... 68
H. H.
Смирнов
(68),
А. В. Островский
(69),
Р.
Зелник
(70),
В. П. Булдаков
(71),
П. Гетрелл
(72),
У. Розенберг
(72),
Б. Бонвеч
(73),
И. Н. Олегина(73),
Е. Л. Варустина
(74), 3.
Галили
(76).
Заключительное слово докладчиков
................................................... 77
Л. Хаймсон
(77),
Р. Ш. Ганелин
(78),
Д. Орловски
(79),
В. Л. Дьячков
(80).
II.
ВОЙНА И ОБЩЕСТВО
Питер Холквист (США). Тотальная мобилизация и политика населения: Российская катастрофа
( 1914—1921 )
в европейском контексте
.......................................... 83
Б. В. Ананьич. Российская буржуазия на пути к «культурному капитализму»
................ 102
Питер Гетрелл (Великобритания). Беженцы и проблемы пола во время
} 12
Первой мировой войны
.......................................................
A. Н. Курцев. Беженство
............................................................. 129
Артур
Мак
-Ku
(США). Сухой закон в годы Первой мировой войны: причины, концепция
и последствия введения сухого закона в России:
1914—1917
гг
...................... 147
B. С. Измозик. К вопросу о политических настроениях российского общества в канун
1917
г.
(по материалам перлюстрации)
................................................. 160
Дискуссия
......................................................................... 17t
Φ
Вчисло(171),3.
Галили
(174),
X.
Ян
(174),
Ю. И. Басилов
(174),
В. Кельнер
(175).
Заключительное слово докладчиков
................................................... 177
П. Холквист
(177),
Б. В. Ананьич
(178),
П. Гетрелл
( 180),
А. Н. Курцев
(181),
А. Мак-Ки(183), В. С. Измозик
(185).
561
111.
ПОЛИТИКА
В. Ю. Черняев. Первая мировая войнам перспективы демократического преобразования
Российской империя
.......................................................... ! 89
Джошуа Санборн (США). Беспорядки среди призывников в
1914
г. и вопрос о русской нации:
новый взгляд на проблему
..................................................... 202
Ю. И. Кирьянов. Численность и состав правых партий в России в
] 9
1
-4—-] 9
1
7
гг
.............. 216
И. В. Лукоянов. Камарилья
........................................................... 230
Дискуссия
......................................................................... 240
У. Розенберг
(240),
И. В. Алексеева
(240).
И. П. Лейберов
(243).
В. П. Булдаков
(243).
Ю. И. Кирьянов
(244).
В. П. Булдаков
(244).
Б. Бонвеч
(245).
Е. Л. Варустнна
(245),
A. Мак-Ки
(245).
И. Н. Онегина
(245),
А. П. Марков
(246).
У. Розенберг
(246),
Б. Б. Дубенцов
(247).
Заключительное слово докладчиков
................................................... 248
B. Ю. Черняев
(248).
Дж. Санборн
(250),
Ю. И. Кирьянов
(250),
И. В. Лукоянов
(252).
IV.
КУЛЬТУРА И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА
Н. Н. Смирнов. Война и российская интеллигенция
...................................... 257
Б. И. Колоницкий. Политические функции англофобии в годы Первой мировой войны
........ 271
Сьюзан Моррисси (США). Между патриотизмом и радикализмом: петроградские студенты
в годы Первой мировой войны
................................................. 288
Бен Хеллман (Финляндия). Первая мировая война в лубочной литературе
................... 303
Ким Фриаленоер (США). Несколько аспектов
shellshoťa
в России.
1914—1916.............. 315
В. В. Носков. «Война, в которую мы верим»: начало Первой мировой войны в восприятии
духовной элиты России
....................................................... 326
Дискуссия
......................................................................... 340
Ю. Шеррер
(340),
Р.
Зелник
(341 ).
А. П. Купайгородская
(343),
X.
Ян
(346).
Е. М. Балашов
(348),
В. Ю. Черняев
(356).
А. Н. Цамутали
(356),
П. Холквист
(358),
В М. Кручковская
(359),
А. Мак-Ки
(360).
Т. А. Абросимова
(360).
Дж. Санборн
(361).
В. П. Булдаков
(361 ),
П. Гетрслл
(363),
Ю. И. Басилов
(364),
Ю. И. Кирьянов
(364
h
Е. Л. Варустина
(365),
Е. В. Попова
(368),
В. Л. Дьячков
(368),
В. Ю. Черняев
(369).
Заключительное слово докладчиков
................................................... 370
Н. Н. Смирнов
(370),
Б. И. Колоницкий
(372).
С. Морисси
(375),
Б. Хеллман
(376),
К. Фридлендер
(379).
В. В. Носков
(380).
V.
ИМПЕРИЯ, НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫЕ ДВИЖЕНИЯ
Марк фон Хаген (США). Великая война и искусственное усиление этнического самосознания
в Российской империи
........................................................ 385
B. П. Булдаков. Война империй и кризис имперства: к социокультурному переосмыслению
.... 406
C. М. Исхаков. Первая мировая война глазами российских мусульман
...................... 419
Дискуссия
......................................................................... 432
П. Холквист
(432).
В, В. Носков
(434).
А. Н. Курцев
(437).
Л. Хаймсон
(438).
Б. Бонвеч
(439).
Б. И. Колоницкий
(439).
Ю. И. Басилов
(440).
С. Морисси
(441).
Е. Воробьева
(441).
Д Орловски
(442).
В. Ю. Черняев
(442),
Т. М. Китанина
(443).
562
Заключительное слово докладчиков
................................................... 445
М. фон Хаген
(445),
В. П. Булдаков
(448),
С. М. Исхаков
(451).
VI.
ЭКОНОМИКА
Т. М. Китанина. Конструирование русско-германских экономических отношений
после Первой мировой войны по материалам российской повременной печати
......... 457
Ян Коцонис (США). Подданный и гражданин: налогообложение в Российской империи
и Советской России и его подтекст
.............................................. 467
А. В. Островский. Государственно-капиталистические и кооперативные тенденции
в экономике России:
1914—1917
гг
.............................................. 482
С. Г. Беляев. Переговоры министра финансов П. Л. Барка в Париже и Лондоне
в
1915—1916
гг. (по материалам французских архивов)
............................ 497
Дискуссия
......................................................................... 510
Б. Бонвеч
(5)0),
Б. В. Ананьич
(511),
А. Мак-Ки
(513).
И. П. Лейберов
(513),
Л. Хаймсон
(514),
Д. О. Чураков
(514),
В. Поченков
(516),
В. В. Гусаров
(517),
Е. В. Попова
(518),
В. П. Булдаков
(518),
С. И. Потолов(519).
Заключительное слово докладчиков
................................................... 520
Т. М. Китанина
(520),
Я. Коцонис
(522).
А. В. Островский
(523),
С. Г. Беляев
(527).
VII.
СВОБОДНАЯ ТРИБУНА
В. Ю. Черняев
(531),
X.
Ян
(531),
В. И. Мусаев
(531),
Дж. Санборн
(532),
Ю. И. Кирьянов
(532),
Р.
Зелник
(533),
Т. М. Китанина
(534),
Б. Бонвеч
(534),
А. Н. Курцев
(535),
В. В. Лапин
(536),
А. Ф. Ворончихин
(536),
А. П. Марков
(537),
Р. Ш. Ганелин
(538),
С. И. Потолов
(539),
Н. Н. Смирнов
(541), 3.
Галили
(543),
E.
Ю. Дубровская
(544),
Л. А. Булгакова
(545),
С. В. Куликов
(547),
А. В. Островский
(549),
И. Н. Олегина
(550),
И. В. Лукоянов
(552),
А. Л. Дмитриев
(553),
Б. Б. Дубенцов
(554),
Б. И. Колоницкий
(555),
У. Розенберг
(556),
Н. Н. Смирнов
(556).
Приложение
Список сокращений
................................................................ 558
Список участников коллоквиума {докладчики и участники дискуссии)
..................... 559
INTRODUCTION
The first World War was a singular event in the history of the twentieth century.
Because its legacy included revolution and the Bolshevik triumph in Russia, the rise of
fascism, unprecedented economic, social and psychological dislocation, the rebirth of
fiercely racialized ideologies of domination, and ultimately descent again into the
multiple horrors and holocausts of unrestrained social and military conflict, it is not too
much to say that no event, or complex of events, had a greater effect on the
development of the twentieth century as a whole. Yet until recently, Russian historians
have never been able to give the World War the comprehensive attention it deserves,
nor have even the most imaginative Western historians of the period been able to
incorporate the Russian experience into most of their explorations. As Daniel Orlovsky
points out in his important essay below, there is not a single word about Russia in such
major recent syntheses as Paul
Fusselľs
The Great War and Modern Memory,
Modris
Ekstein s Fallen Soldiers, or Jay Winter s Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The
Great War in European Cultural History.2 Even the most recent reinterpretation of the
origins of the war, one that argues that the cataclysm was the ultimate result of human
folly rather than in any way the inevitable consequence of capitalist contradictions,
essentially considers Russia on the margins.3 One would scarcely imagine from
Western historiography that the territory of the former Tsarist Empire may have
suffered a population lost of
30
million people, including the appalling famine that
followed the end of fighting in Russia in
192
1.4
This lack of attention has occurred for several reasons. While Soviet historians were
obviously obliged to fit the war s broader meanings into rather rigid ideological
templates, non-Russians either lacked access to the sources or a serious interest in
exploring social experience over military history and politics. The result in Russia was
the publication within a large literature of a few brilliant monographs by masters like
V. S. Diakin and B. V. Anan ich, whose impeccable research focused on specific
dimensions of broader historical patterns, and skirted ideology nicely by avoidance;
and in the West, as Peter Holquist observes below, of the war period simply being
appended to studies of the revolution, especially those on
1917.
Even Leopold
Haimson s seminal essay on Russian social stability at the end of the old regime, whose
themes he readdressed at the conference and in the essay below, has had a far greater
impact on Russian and Soviet historiography generally than on the study of the war
itself.5
The very linkage of the war to the Russian revolution has also been a constraint.
Here the difficulty has not been so much the question of whether the war accelerated
existing currents of revolutionary ferment or provided a final opportunity to the
beleaguered regime to reform itself, but the subordination of wartime trauma to that of
the revolution and civil war. Historians have tended to ignore the fact that the war itself
generated enormous social dislocations well before the revolution proper. In July
1914,
the
1,423,000
men in the tsarist army already made it the largest in Europe. Before
Russia s withdrawal from the war in
1918,
an additional
14,375,000
men were
mobilized, a staggering number by any measure, and one which could only have a
profound effect on social psychology and established sets of social meaning. By one
estimate, this figure represented almost one half of all able bodied men in the country,
some
22
percent of the entire male population.6
In addition there are the inherent difficulties of conceptualizing events as complex
as the war, especially in terms of the multiple and contradictory experiences they
produce. Warfare is clearly the most gendered (and awful) of political activities but
only recently have historians become aware that gender can be a «useful category of
analysis», as Peter Gatrell demonstrates so well in his contribution to this volume, or
that awful signifies a particular range of traumas that can define the very nature of
wartime politics themselves.7 The same is true with questions concerning the
relationships between war and both formal and popular cultures; the critical links
between these cultures and military practice; the uses of memory and other ways of
symbolically representing power and experience; and especially the broader
implications of social and psychological dislocation in the formation and practices of
post-war political and socio-economic systems.
However else one might want to describe what all wars are about, in other words,
one must recognize that they are always about unsettling boundaries and picturing
enemies. Boundaries pertain to geographical frontiers, of course, but also to other
social barriers and borders, and hence to the systems of value that create and support
them, and which they in turn reproduce. These kinds of borders are often more easily
transgressed during war than at other times, either in the chaos of social dislocation or
the urgency of personal need; and dangers of this sort, like those on the battlefield,
often occasion particularly stringent systems of social control, since these «boundary
violations» can be even more portentous to established orders than military passage
through a formal frontier.
The question of one s «enemy» is also always more than a simple matter of who
one is fighting against. It necessarily involves some formal definition as well of who
one is, provided symbolically by uniforms, hymns, and banners, as well as, and more
importantly, of who one is not. The «enemy» as a conceptual object is thus a question
of internal as well as external social classification, a question of «objectivized»
definition through the badges and categories of official documentation as well as a
subjective understanding of one s actual place and role in broader communities. Thus,
all wars are about complex issues of personal and social identity, socio-cultural
ethnography, and social as well as physical geography, matters that can begin to rage
intensely within an individual or a community at war every bit as consequentially as the
incidents of external attack or retreat that frame the ways wars are most typically
described.
Outcomes are also more complicated than they seem. No war is without its horrors,
none without grave loss, none without the need to accommodate disillusion and
disappointment. This is so even in victory since this, too, rarely matches expectations
of success. Some form of memorialization is therefore invariably needed, and for all
10
participants.
Memorials
serve
to somehow «explain» the reasons and value of sacrifice,
to glorify or demonize the source of agony, to bring closure, if possible, to loss. In
these respects, the first World War was particularly brutal in Russia. For those who
survived the struggle against Austrians, Germans, and Turks, the revolution did not so
much bring closure to the experience as displace its meaning. This process was well
underway before the Bolsheviks came to power, of course, and was undoubtedly key to
their success. Yet it also made
heros
and heroism dishonorable. All loss became an
unnecessary sacrifice to unworthy commitments and attachments. After
1917,
the war s
patriotic languages were formally and forcefully discarded, along with its symbols of
service. Without them, glory and sacrifice both lost their meaning. Literally,
metaphorically, and uniquely in Russia, the first World War left most former subjects
of the tsar without acceptable memories. In this sense, despite the formalities of Brest-
Litovsk, it never came to an effective end.
These intrinsically difficult issues have long been the focus of important work in
European history, but they have only recently begun to work their way into systematic
study of Russia. With this in mind, the decision was made at the Institute Russian
History in St. Petersburg to convene the
1998
conference on «Russia in the First World
War». As Nikolai Smirnov has outlined in his introduction, conference sessions were
organized around a list of discrete and somewhat traditional categories, but our vision
from the start was a broad one. Participants were encouraged to reach beyond their
specific points of focus, and to provide especially in our discussions a chance to test
new ideas and approaches. Thus D. Orlovsky, V. L. D iachkov, and L. G. Protasov
took up the very complicated issues of indoctrination, social consciousness, and
historical memory itself, recognizing the important ways that politics are linked to
social psychologies and historical perspectives. Iu. I. Kir ianov s focused study of the
numerical weakness of parties on the right was, like some of his other recent work, also
an exploration of conservative
mentalitň.
And B. V. Anan ich s essay on the Russian
bourgeoisie and the issue of state monopolies was simultaneously a stimulating
exploration of the notion of «cultural capitalism», provoking very interesting
discussion. The questions of mobilization and population policies were addressed in
similarly stimulating ways by P. Holquist, A.
N.
Kurtsev, and P. Gatrell. Each neatly
situated Russia s particular experience within a broader analytical and geographical
context, and each prompted conference participants to think carefully about the ways
the war destabilized familiar social categories, to consider, as Holquist put it, the
histories of people who cannot readily be accommodated within the conventional
framework of organized social forces or institutions.
The discussion of politics allowed a comparable breadth. While focusing
specifically on the court and high politics, essays by R. Sh. Ganelin, M. F. Florinskii,
and I. V. Lukoianov alerted the conference to the ways in which even «autonomous»
politics carries the substantive freight of legitimacy, and hence connects to broader
patterns of social consciousness and political culture. It was thus possible through their
engaging essays to consider further the very notion of the state itself in late imperial
Russia, particularly as it related to the separate forms and concepts of government.
J. Sanbom s notable contribution took this question further by examining the realms of
local politics. His innovative study of draft riots raises questions not simply about the
differences in politics and styles of control, but also about the very nature of patriotic
discourse itself at various social levels, and the complex relationship between attitudes
the war and attitudes about the state. A. McKee s new exploration of prohibition and
η
V.
S. Izmozik s
imaginative
discussion
of perlustration addressed quite different
questions within a comparable analytic frame, as to their essays collected in this
volume.
Several important contributions took up directly the troublesome questions of social
culture and political culture, analyzing how these tangled phenomena both affected and
were affected by the war, and how the experience itself of war was differently
understood.
N. N.
Smirnov and S. Morissey connected patriotism and radicalism,
B. I. Kolonitskii looked at the poiitical uses of «anglophobia», and V. Iu. Cherniaev,
while focusing on politics, approached the issue of the Empire s possible «democratic
transformation» in ways that allowed a discussion of how the underlying values of this
set of perspectives related to those of society more broadly. As readers will see from
Kolonitskii
s
essay below, his contribution took up directly the central question of
«enemies». His original approach to this issue allowed him not only to present new and
fascinating archival material, but also to make intriguing suggestions about the possible
relation between feelings toward «official» allies and foes abroad and «unofficial» ones
at home. In absorbing ways, these matters were also approached more indirectly by
V. V. Noskov s study of spirituality and Russia s «spiritual elite», and B. Helman s
analysis of «Lubochnaia
literatura»,
as well as J. Friedlander s imaginative and original
analysis of the cultural context of «shell shock» and the various ways in which this
awful syndrome was understood by various social institutions. Readers will find here a
particularly fruitful way of seeing Russia s own wartime experience within a much
broader humanistic context.
The final conference sessions on empire, national movements, and the economy all
pressed conceptual boundaries as well. V. P. Buldakov s effort to rethink the «crisis of
empire» in socio-cultural terms, M.
von Hagen s
analysis of ethnic self-consciousness
and
S. M.
Iskhakov s review of Moslem perspectives again approached the experience
of war essentially in terms of the complex subjectivities of identity as well as the easier
institutions of national classification. The question of taxation taken up by Y. Kotsonis
introduced fascinating material about the subtexts of economic processes, an important
current issue of economic anthropology. T. M. Kitanina, A. V. Ostrovskii, and
S. G.
Beliaev each brought the question of political discourse to the conference s
attention in their analysis of specific economic relations, and allowed conference
participants to confront the consequential subjective aspects of what has too often been
conceptualized, as Kotsonis reminds us below, in terms simply of «objective»
economic process.
As readers of this excellent collection will readily see, the implicit subtext of the
conference contributions as a whole was, not surprisingly, that of war and revolution.
The complexities of this subject were astutely framed in L. Haimson s presentation
opening the conference, and the subject of much discussion especially by the
conference commentators, whose contributions to this and other questions need very
much to be acknowledged. The influence of F. Wcislo, H. Jan, J. Scherrer, Z. Galili,
I. V. Alekseeva, R. Zelnik, A. P. Kulpaigorodskaia, E. M.
Balashov,
and B. Bonwitch
was indispensable to the task of steering clear of implicit teleologies and avoiding the
tendency to read meaning backwards into an historical moment that generated a
momentous set of meanings of its own. Readers will quickly understand how well
these tasks were accomplished from the excellent essays included in this volume.
W.G. Rosenberg
12
THE NOTES
1
See the discussion of this in the important collec¬
tion
Первая мировая война. Дискуссионные
проблемы истории
/
Ред. Ю А. Писарев и
В. Л. Мальков. М.,
1994.
2
Fussell Paul. The Great War and Modern Memory.
London,
1975;
Eksteins
Modris.
The Great War
and the Birth of the Modem Age. Boston,
1989;
Winter Jay. Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning:
The Great War in European Cultural History.
Cambridge,
Eng., 1995.
3
Ferguson Niall. The Pity of War: Explaining
World War I. London,
1998.
4
On Russia s population loss, see
Волков
E.
3.
Динамика населения СССР за восемьдесят лет.
М,
1930.
С.
262;
Lorimer Frank. The Population
of the Soviet Union: History and Prospects. Ge¬
neva,
1946.
P.
29—43.
5
Haimson Leopold. The Problem of Social Stability
in Urban Russia,
і
905—1917 //
Slavic Review.
1964.
Vol.23. No.
4.
P.
619-42; 1965.
Vol.24.
No.
1.
P.
1—22.
6
Центр. Стат. Управление. Россия в мировой
войне
1914—1918
года (в цифрах). М.,
1925.
С.
4;
Любный-Герчук Л. И. Движение населе¬
ния на территории СССР за время мировой
войны и революции. М.,
1926.
С.
26.
7
The phrase, of course, is Joan Scott s. See: Scott J.
Gender and the Politics of History. New York,
1988.
Chap.
2.
|
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| id | DE-604.BV012996013 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
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| institution | BVB |
| institution_GND | (DE-588)5093447-8 |
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| spellingShingle | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4079163-4 (DE-588)4076899-5 (DE-588)1071861417 |
| title | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma |
| title_alt | Russia and first World War |
| title_auth | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma |
| title_exact_search | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma |
| title_full | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma Sankt-Peterburgskij Filial Instituta Rossijskoj Istorii RAN ... [Red. kollegija: N. N. Smirnov - otv. red. ...] |
| title_fullStr | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma Sankt-Peterburgskij Filial Instituta Rossijskoj Istorii RAN ... [Red. kollegija: N. N. Smirnov - otv. red. ...] |
| title_full_unstemmed | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma Sankt-Peterburgskij Filial Instituta Rossijskoj Istorii RAN ... [Red. kollegija: N. N. Smirnov - otv. red. ...] |
| title_short | Rossija i Pervaja mirovaja vojna |
| title_sort | rossija i pervaja mirovaja vojna materialy mezdunarodnogo naucnogo kollokviuma |
| title_sub | materialy meždunarodnogo naučnogo kollokviuma |
| topic | Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Erster Weltkrieg Russland Konferenzschrift 1998 Sankt Petersburg |
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