Moscow rules: what drives Russia to confront the West
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Format: | Book |
Language: | English |
Published: |
Washington, DC
Brookings Institution Press
[2019]
London Chatham House, The Royal Institute of International Affairs [2019] |
Series: | Insights : critical thinking on international affairs
|
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Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030803266&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030803266&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
Abstract: | From Moscow, the world looks different. It is through understanding how Russia sees the world—and its place in it—that the West can best meet the Russian challenge. Russia and the West are like neighbors who never seem able to understand each other. A major reason, this book argues, is that Western leaders tend to think that Russia should act as a "rational" Western nation—even though Russian leaders for centuries have thought and acted based on their country's much different history and traditions. Russia, through Western eyes, is unpredictable and irrational, when in fact its leaders from the czars to Putin almost always act in their own very predictable and rational ways. For Western leaders to try to engage with Russia without attempting to understand how Russians look at the world is a recipe for repeated disappointment and frequent crises. Keir Giles, a senior expert on Russia at Britain's prestigious Chatham House, describes how Russian leaders have used consistent doctrinal and strategic approaches to the rest of the world. These approaches may seem deeply alien in the West, but understanding them is essential for successful engagement with Moscow. Giles argues that understanding how Moscow's leaders think—not just Vladimir Putin but his predecessors and eventual successors—will help their counterparts in the West develop a less crisis-prone and more productive relationship with Russia |
Item Description: | Literaturhinweise Seite 175-226, Register |
Physical Description: | xx, 234 Seiten |
ISBN: | 9780815735748 |
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520 | 3 | |a From Moscow, the world looks different. It is through understanding how Russia sees the world—and its place in it—that the West can best meet the Russian challenge. Russia and the West are like neighbors who never seem able to understand each other. A major reason, this book argues, is that Western leaders tend to think that Russia should act as a "rational" Western nation—even though Russian leaders for centuries have thought and acted based on their country's much different history and traditions. Russia, through Western eyes, is unpredictable and irrational, when in fact its leaders from the czars to Putin almost always act in their own very predictable and rational ways. For Western leaders to try to engage with Russia without attempting to understand how Russians look at the world is a recipe for repeated disappointment and frequent crises. Keir Giles, a senior expert on Russia at Britain's prestigious Chatham House, describes how Russian leaders have used consistent doctrinal and strategic approaches to the rest of the world. These approaches may seem deeply alien in the West, but understanding them is essential for successful engagement with Moscow. Giles argues that understanding how Moscow's leaders think—not just Vladimir Putin but his predecessors and eventual successors—will help their counterparts in the West develop a less crisis-prone and more productive relationship with Russia | |
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Record in the Search Index
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adam_text | Contents
Acknowledgments xiii
Introduction xv
Part I
Russia’s Place in the World
ONE A World Apart 3
TWO Great Power and Empire 13
THREE Russia under Threat 35
FOUR Winning the Cold War 59
Part II
Russia’s Internal System
FIVE Ruling Russia 71
S IX The Individual and the State 87
Contents
xii
Part III
Russia’s Inheritance
SEVEN Russia’s Moral Framework 103
EIGHT History Matters 117
Part IV
Prospects for Change
NINE Opposition, Protests, and Discontent 127
TEN Change from Within 139
Conclusion
The Way Forward 159
Notes 175
Index 227
Index
Abkhazia, Russian intervention in,
32,170
Adamsky, Dima, 20, 116
Akhiezer, Aleksandr, 72
Alexander I, 45
Alexander II, 45
Alexander III, 45
Alexievich, Svetlana, 64, 123
Alienation, 8, 98, 107, 129
Anti-access and area denial (A2/AD)
capabilities, 165
Antiblasphemy campaigns, 105-06
Appeasement, 31, 34
Arab Spring, 46-49
Arbatov, Alexei, 39
Asahara, Shoko, 105
Assertiveness, 14, 20, 22, 148
Aum Shinrikyo, 105
Baev, Pavel, 23
Ballistic missile defense (BMD), 56;
U.S. sites in Poland and Romania,
166
Baltic states, 30, 51, 56, 63, 66—67.
See also specific countries
Baluyevsky, Yuriy, 52
Banking crises, 65
Baring, Maurice, 95, 157
Baunov, Aleksandr, 136-37
Berlusconi, Silvio, 73
Borders and border security, 26, 30,
36-37, 62-63, 67, 83, 122
Brenton, Tony, 30
BRICS, 16
Brzezinski, Zbigniew, 31
Bykov, Yuriy, 157
Casualty aversion, 91
Catherine the Great, 11
Cedar Revolution (Lebanon 2005), 43
Censorship, 33, 84-85, 142
Change, prospects for. See Prospects
for change
Chaos: after Cold War, 68, 94, 148;
and destabilization campaigns,
23-24; fear of, 42, 52, 132; and
governance structures, 74; manage-
ment of, 20, 121; and protests, 132;
purposeful creation of, 24; regime
change as cause of, 52
227
228
Index
Chechnya, military campaign in, 91
Chirac, Jacques, 73
CIS (Commonwealth of Independent
States), 15, 67
Civil society, 53
Clapper, James, 35
Cold War, 59—68, 118, 153. See also
Soviet era
Collateral damage, 91—92
Collective Security Treaty Organiza-
tion (CSTO), 15-16
Color revolutions, 43—45
COMECON (Council for Mutual
Economic Assistance), 16
Commonwealth of Independent
States (CIS), 15, 67
Communalism, 88
Communism: and “disappointed gen-
eration,” 147—48; and great power
self-perception, 14; and individual
rights, 88, 93, 143; and moral
framework, 104—05
Compromises, 22, 25, 42, 48, 61, 170
Containment, 167—70
Continuity with historical norms,
159-61
Contract law, 23
Cooperation in international rela-
tions: continuity with historical
norms, 160—61; cycles of, 22—23;
prospects for improvement in,
171—73; and threat perceptions, 40,
43, 47, 55; in World War II, 122
Corporate tax rates, 95
Corruption, 7, 78, 84, 90, 98-99,
122,134
Council for Mutual Economic As-
sistance (COMECON), 16
Crankshaw, Edward, 24, 36, 38,
76-77, 118, 119, 143
Crimea, intervention in, 29, 32, 48,
56, 170
Crimean War (1853-56), 9, 117
CSTO (Collective Security Treaty
Organization), 15—16
Cults, 105
Culture, 5, 8, 9, 79, 103, 114, 120,
148
Cyberattacks, 56, 75
Czars, 26, 72, 78-79, 105, 118, 120,
142. See also specific individuals
Decembrist revolt (1825), 82
Deception, 110-11, 113, 161
Decorative democracy, 129—30
De Custine, Astolphe, 33, 41, 82, 87,
111, 113-14, 120
Deference, 12, 15, 16
Democratization, 50, 64—66, 93, 108,
129-30, 142
De Reynold, Gonzague, 3
Destabilization campaigns, 23—24
“Disappointed generation,” 147—48
Disinformation campaigns, 109
Domestic policy, 50—51, 65
Double standards, perceptions of, 42
Doublethink, 113—16
Dual citizenship, 83
Dugin, Aleksandr, 104
Dulles, John Foster, 167
Eastern Partnership program (EU),
41
EEU (Eurasian Economic Union), 16
Elections: internet and social media’s
influence on, 135; and legitimacy,
79; protests of, 44, 127, 135, 149;
public perceptions of, 129—30;
Western vs. Russian conceptions
of, 4
Elites, 6, 133-34, 153
Estonia: cultural differences with
Russia, 6; cyberattacks against, 75;
history of, 122
Index
229
Etkind, Alexander, 90
Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), 16
Eurasianism, 104
Europe and European Union: ballistic
missile defense in, 166; and Cold
War, 61—62, 67; cooperation with
Russia’s neighbors, 55; Eastern
Partnership program, 41 ; individual
rights in, 87, 93; and Russia, 6,
8—12, 25; and Russian expansion-
ism, 26
Expansionist policies, 25—34
Fell, Elena, 115—16
Finland: status of, 31; Russian threats
against, 21
Fletcher, Giles, 92, 115
Foote, James, 117, 142
“Four Common Spaces” initiative, 25
Fried, Daniel, 172-73
Gaidar, Yegor, 42
Galeotti, Mark, 13, 29—30, 135
Garmash, Ioann, 103
Gender norms, 108
“Generation of the future,” 150—52
Georgia: color revolution in, 43;
Russian intervention in, 29, 32, 63,
75-76, 82, 170
Germany: and Putin, 73; unifica-
tion of following Cold War, 60; in
World War I, 44; in World War II,
30, 82, 149
Gessen, Masha, 147
Gide, André, 11, 114
Global financial crisis (2007—08), 153
Gomart, Thomas, 3
Gorbachev, Mikhail, 41, 62
Gorchakov, Aleksandr, 28
Gordon, Philip, 66
Governance structures, 71—86; isola-
tion and secrecy in, 81—86; polls
and legitimacy in, 77—81; Putins
role in, 75—77
Graham, Thomas, 151, 155, 169
Great power: Russia’s self-perception
as, 13-34
Greene, Samuel, 31, 93, 167
Group of Eight (G-8), 66
Gudkov, Lev, 9, 81, 98, 151, 157
Haley, Nikki, 91
Hermitage Capital Management, 133
Herzen, Aleksandr, 88
Hill, Fiona, 74
HIV, 114
Homosexuality, 107
Human rights, 64, 66, 87—99,
106-07, 109, 172
Hunter, Robert, 28
Ideology in moral framework, 103—06
Imperialism: expansionist policies as
defensive measures, 30—34; Russia’s
self-perception as empire, 25—30
Individual rights, 87—99. See also
Human rights
Information Security Doctrine
(Russia 2016), 54
Insecurity, 23, 27, 36, 80, 165
Internal system of Russia, 69—99;
governance structures, 71—86; and
individual rights, 87—99; isolation
and secrecy in, 81—86; and justice,
94—99; polls and legitimacy in,
77—81; and property rights, 87—94;
prospects for change in, 139—57;
Putin’s role in, 75—77; and rule of
law, 94—99
International law, 99
Internet: and cyberattacks, 56, 75;
protest role of, 135—37; state moni-
toring of, 85, 150; threat percep-
tions exacerbated by, 53
230
Index
Iraq, U.S. invasion of, 37, 43, 48, 50,
52, 66
Isolationism, 34, 81—86
Ivangorod, Russia, 6
Ivanov, Vladimir, 93, 95
Jensen, Don, 24
Justice, 78, 94-99, 110, 113
Kalb, Marvin, 152
Karaganov, Sergey, 55
Kara-Murza, Vladimir, 133
Karasin, Grigoriy, 50
Keenan, Edward, 120
Kennan, George, 22, 38, 55, 56, 81
Kennaway, A. (Sasha), 71, 94, 97
Khodorkovsky, Mikhail, 90
Kissinger, Henry, 6, 16, 22, 31
Kolesnikov, Andrey, 114, 154—55
Kolpakov, Ivan, 115
Konovalov, Aleksandr, 96
Kosovo, intervention in, 66
Kozyrev, Andrey, 11
Kurilla, Ivan, 4, 29, 139, 142, 144,
151, 171
Kyrgyzstan, color revolution in, 43
Language, 10, 18, 21, 26, 105, 116,
162
Latvia, history of, 122
Lavrov, Sergey, 10, 21, 42, 47, 50, 62,
103,170-71
Lebanon, Cedar Revolution in, 43
Ledeneva, Alena, 95—96
Legitimacy, 28, 38, 48, 72, 77—81,
122
Leninism, 104
Levinson, Aleksey, 9
Lewis, David, 74
Liberalization: after Cold War,
64—65, 66; cycles of, 139—43; of
history, 120, 123—24
Libya, interventions in, 43, 46—49,
52
Liik, Kadri, 171
Lipman, Maria, 115
Listyev, Vladislav, 64
Lithuania, history of, 122
Litvinenko, Aleksandr, 134
London Olympics (2012), 7
“Lost generation,” 148—49
Lukin, Vladimir, 67
Luzin, Pavel, 145
Malaysia Airlines MH17 incident
(2014), 164
Mankoff, Jeffrey, 17, 149
Marten, Kimberly, 20, 111
Marxism, 104—05
McFaul, Michael, 141
McLaughlin, John, 170
Mearsheimer, John, 30—31
Media: censorship of, 84; and double-
think, 113—14; and “generation
of the future,” 150; independence
of, 84; and protests, 128—29; state
control of, 72, 74, 84—85
Meduza (media outlet), 85, 115
Medvedev, Dmitriy, 47, 139, 141
Memory, 6, 42, 60, 120, 129, 147, 150
Merkel, Angela, 35, 106—07
Merridale, Catherine, 115
Middle class, 145, 155
Military interventions: in Abkhazia,
32, 170; in Crimea, 29, 32, 48, 56,
170; in Georgia, 29, 32, 63, 75-76,
82, 170; in Moldova, 32; as political
tool, 19; In South Ossetia, 32, 170;
in Tajikistan, 32; in Ukraine, 17,
29, 30-31, 32, 39, 48, 53, 63, 170
Military power: and great power
status, 15, 18—19; and national
security policy, 170; public opinion
polls on, 154, 160; respect for, 170;
Index
231
spending on, 153—54; and threat
perceptions, 40, 49—57
Milosevic, Slobodan, 43
Mironenko, Sergei, 121
Moldova: election protests in, 43;
Russian intervention in, 32
Monaghan, Andrew, 77
Mongols, 10, 71-72, 111, 121
Moral framework, 103—16; and
doublethink, 113—16; and ideol-
ogy, 103—06; and religion, 103—06;
truth vs. untruth in, 109—13; West-
ern decadence as threat to, 106—08
Moscow Olympics (1980), 7
Murders by the state, 133—34
Mutual assistance, 22—25
Mysticism, 105
Narva, Estonia, 6
National Defense Control Center
(Russia), 19, 72-73
National Guard (Russia), 128, 157
National identity, 15, 93, 119, 124
Nationalism, 8—9, 63, 80, 128, 161
National security policy: after Cold
War, 51; continuity of, 160; and
expansionism, 26; and Russia’s great
power self-perception, 18—21; and
historical liberalization, 120; inter-
net as threat to, 53—54; and military
power, 170; and threat perceptions,
35-58
NATO: and Cold War ending, 67;
command and control for, 73;
cooperation with Russia’s neighbors,
55—56; enlargement of, 21—22,
32, 62—63, 166; restricted contact
with Russia, 164; as threat, 37; and
Ukraine, 30, 39, 56
Navalny, Aleksei, 78, 131, 135, 151
Nemtsov, Boris, 134
Nemtsova, Zhanna, 151
Neutral countries, 31
Nevinson, Henry, 143—44
Nicholas 1, 45
Nicholas II, 45, 144
Nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs), 43, 53, 168
Obama, Barack, 15, 48, 168
O’Hanlon, Michael, 31
Oil prices, 15, 42, 75, 80
Olympics (1980 and 2014), 7
Opposition movements, 127—38;
internet’s role in, 135—37; and po-
litical expression, 127—31; repression
of, 131-34
Orwell, George, 114
Ostrovsky, Arkadiy, 76
“Panfilov’s 28 men,” 121
Pan-Slavism, 118
Paranoia, 20, 161
Pastukhov, Vladimir, 113, 146—47,
150
Patrushev, Nikolay, 38
Pavlovskiy, Gleb, 144
Peter the Great, 156
Peter III, 45
Piontkovsky, Andrei, 89, 134, 147,
155
Plokhy, Serhii, 25
Poland: after Cold War, 66; ballistic
missile defense in, 166; occupation
history of, 122; in World War II, 30
Police, 97, 112, 135
Polyakova, Alina, 27
Pomerantsev, Peter, 99
Power: and Cold War, 59, 63; and
“disappointed generation,” 147—48;
economic, 66, 153, 168; and
“generation of the future,” 150—51;
and governance structures, 72, 78,
80—81; great power status, 8—9,
232
Index
Power (cont.)
11, 17, 20, 22, 24—25, 28, 156; and
individual rights, 90, 92, 94—95;
and justice, 95; and lost genera-
tion,” 148; and moral framework,
103, 105, 108-09, 112; political, 65,
150, 153; and threat perceptions,
35, 37, 56-57
Propaganda, 33, 56, 78, 114
Property rights, 87—94
Prospects for change, 125—57; in-
ternal changes, 139—57; internets
role in protests, 135—37; liberaliza-
tion cycles, 139—42; opposition
and protests, 127—38; optimism
for, 139—42; patience required for,
152—57; and political expression,
127—31; and repression, 131—34,
142—45; and social change, 145—52
Protests, 127—38; and color revolu-
tions, 44; of elections, 44, 127, 135,
149; internets role in, 135—37; and
political expression, 127—31; repres-
sion of, 131—34
Public opinion polls: on elections,
130; on future of Russia, 64, 136,
151—52; and governance structures,
77—81; on military power, 154, 160;
on Russian identity, 9; on threat
perceptions, 39
Pushkin, Aleksandr, 14—15
Pussy Riot, 106
Putin, Vladimir: on Arab Spring,
46; on Cold War ending, 59;
on containment policy, 167; and
cooperation with the West, 41; on
election protests, 44; and European
politics, 62; foreign policy priori-
ties of, 49—50, 67—68; and Russia s
great power self-perception, 13;
and internal governance structures,
72-73, 75-77, 140-41; on inter-
national order, 50, 51, 161; inter-
net distrusted by, 53; on Libyan
intervention by the West, 46; and
lost generation,” 148; and Medve-
dev, 139; Merkel on, 35; negotiation
strategies of, 24; on NGOs, 43;
personality cult of, 105; and protest
movements, 128, 130, 132; public
opinion of, 77—81; regime change
fears of, 40, 42, 45; on Russia as
major European power,” 10; on
Russian history, 119; on strike-first
strategy, 54; summits with BRICS
countries, 16; and Syrian civil war,
48; and threat perceptions, 18, 54,
55; and Ukraine, 27, 112
Qaddafi, Muammar, 45
Reagan, Ronald, 37-38
Realism, 34
Regime change, 37, 40—45, 48,
52-55, 143-44, 155
Relativism, 106
Religion, 85, 103—06, 118
Repression, 6, 113—14, 118, 131, 150,
154
Respect, 11—12, 18—21, 170
Retro-totalitarianism, 147
RISI (Russian Institute of Strategic
Studies), 114
Robber capitalism, 89
Rogozin, Dmitriy, 37
Romania, ballistic missile defense in,
166
Roxburgh, Angus, 81
RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative
Socialist Republic), 14
Rule of law, 23, 88, 94—99, 142, 168,
172
Russia: and Cold War, 59-68;
cooperation by, 22—25; disruption
Index
233
by, 22—25; empire self-perception
in, 25-30; and Europe, 8—12;
expansionist policies as defensive
measures, 30—34; great power
self-perception in, 13—34; histori-
cal perspective, 117—24; internal
system of, 69—99; moral frame-
work of, 103—16; prospects for
change, 125—57; threat perceptions,
35—58; and the West, 1—12. See also
Internal system of Russia; Moral
framework; Prospects for change;
Threat perceptions
Russian Academy of Sciences, 155
Russian Institute for Strategic Studies
(RISI), 114
Russian Orthodox Church, 85,
103-04, 118
Russian Soviet Federative Socialist
Republic (RSFSR), 14
Russo-Japanese War (1904—05), 153
Rybkin, Ivan, 134
Saddam Hussein, 45
Safronkov, Vladimir, 21
St. Petersburg, 28, 73, 131, 133
Satanovskiy, Yevgeniy, 50
Satter, David, 8, 33, 87, 96, 132, 141
Schroder, Gerhard, 73
Schuman, Frederick L., 159
Secrecy, 81—86
Security dilemma, 21. See also Na-
tional security policy
Self-confidence, 9
Self-perception, 13—34
Serebrennikov, Kirill, 96
Sexuality, 107—08
Seymour, Gerald, 6
Sherr, James, 23
Shevtsova, Lilia, 22
Skaskiw, Roman, 109
Skripal, Sergei, 134
Smirnov, Sergey, 53
Smith, Hanna, 159
Smith, Kathleen E., 143
Smith, Walter Bedell, 5
Soccer World Cup (2018), 7
Sochi Olympics (2014), 7
Social media, 24, 56, 135-37, 148,
150-51
Soft power, 7, 166, 169
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, 8, 128
South Ossetia, Russian intervention
in, 32, 170
Sovereignty, 27, 48, 50, 55
Soviet era: defense policy, 20; and
“disappointed generation,” 147-48;
expansionism during, 31; foreign
policy, 20; governance structures,
74, 76-77, 81-82, 84-85; historical
preservation of, 118, 120—21;
history of, 122—23; military spend-
ing in, 156; and moral framework,
104, 111, 113, 161; and property
rights, 88, 90; reforms during, 143,
145—46, 147; repression during,
131—32; and rule of law, 98; and
threat perceptions, 37—38, 41, 43,
54
Stalin, Joseph, 79, 82, 105, 119, 133,
147, 156
Stanovaya, Tatiana, 16, 26—27, 88,
132, 145, 150
Strike-first strategy, 54—55
Sushentsov, Andrey, 72
Suslov, Dmitriy, 17, 27
Suslov, Mikhail, 83
Suspicion, 38, 41, 43, 56-57, 74, 111,
143
Sweden: neutrality of, 31; Russian
threats against, 21
Syrian civil war, 17, 29, 46—49, 52
Szamuely, Tibor, 9, 17—18
234
Index
Tajikistan, Russian intervention in,
32
Tax rates, 95
Television, 113—14, 131, 148, 150
Terrorism, 65
Threat perceptions, 35—58; Arab
Spring, 46—49; color revolutions,
43—45; enmity of other nations,
35—40; Libya interventions, 46—49;
public opinion polls on, 39; regime
change, 40—45; responses to, 49—57;
Syrian civil war, 46—49
Three Whales corruption case, 133
Tikhomirov, Lev, 115, 162
Tolstoy, Lev, 26
Tomkins, Stuart Ramsay, 88
Totalitarianism, 60, 64, 124, 147
Traitors, 82—83
Trenin, Dmitriy, 14
Truck driver protests (2016), 127
Trump, Donald, 161, 166
Truth vs. untruth, 104, 109—13
Tsygankov, Andrei, 131
Ukraine: color revolution in, 43; EU
cooperation with, 56, 107; gas cut-
offs for, 75; history of, 122—23; and
Russian expansionism, 26; Russian
intervention in, 17, 29, 30—31, 32,
39, 48, 53, 63, 170; sovereignty of,
27; U.S. influence in, 41
United Kingdom, Russian attacks on
individuals in, 133—34, 164
United Nations, 66, 168
United States: and Arab Spring, 47;
bilateral talks with, 24—25; cen-
trality to Russian foreign policy,
17; and Cold War, 32, 61-62, 66;
and color revolutions, 43—44; and
confrontation with Russia, 165—67;
and containment policy, 167—70;
cooperation with Russia’s neighbors,
55; domestic policy in, 164; elec-
tions of 2016, 24; as enemy, 45; and
EU strategic interests, 16; “reset”
with Russia, 25, 32, 140, 168, 171;
Russian attacks on individuals in,
133; and threat perceptions, 39—41,
44-45, 47-49, 51, 55-56
Untruth, 109—13
Utkin, Sergey, 146
Valdai Discussion Club, 33
Van der Post, Laurens, 5, 110, 119,
145
Warsaw Pact, 16
The West: and Cold War ending,
60; and color revolutions, 43—44;
decadence of, 106—08; individual
rights in, 87; and “lost generation,”
149; Russia compared to, 8—12; and
Russian identity, 1—12; and Russia’s
great power self-perception, 24—25;
terminology of, 4; as threat, 49—57.
See also Europe and European
Union; United States
Wood, Andrew, 164
World Cup (2018), 7
Worldview, 4-5, 14, 40-41, 55, 80,
149, 171
World War I, 117, 153
World War II, 15, 30, 82, 114,
121-22, 143
Yanukovych, Viktor, 107
Yeltsin, Boris, 10, 11, 41, 44, 45, 64,
78,94
Youth, 135, 137, 148, 150-52
Yukos oil company, 90
Zubarevich, Natalia, 5
I Bayerische j
I StaetstribNothefc j
|
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Giles, Keir 1968- |
author_GND | (DE-588)117526668X |
author_facet | Giles, Keir 1968- |
author_role | aut |
author_sort | Giles, Keir 1968- |
author_variant | k g kg |
building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV045417319 |
classification_rvk | MG 85020 ML 6600 |
ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1086281897 (DE-599)BSZ507794095 |
discipline | Politologie |
era | Geschichte gnd |
era_facet | Geschichte |
format | Book |
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It is through understanding how Russia sees the world—and its place in it—that the West can best meet the Russian challenge. Russia and the West are like neighbors who never seem able to understand each other. A major reason, this book argues, is that Western leaders tend to think that Russia should act as a "rational" Western nation—even though Russian leaders for centuries have thought and acted based on their country's much different history and traditions. Russia, through Western eyes, is unpredictable and irrational, when in fact its leaders from the czars to Putin almost always act in their own very predictable and rational ways. For Western leaders to try to engage with Russia without attempting to understand how Russians look at the world is a recipe for repeated disappointment and frequent crises. Keir Giles, a senior expert on Russia at Britain's prestigious Chatham House, describes how Russian leaders have used consistent doctrinal and strategic approaches to the rest of the world. These approaches may seem deeply alien in the West, but understanding them is essential for successful engagement with Moscow. 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geographic | Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd |
geographic_facet | Russland |
id | DE-604.BV045417319 |
illustrated | Not Illustrated |
indexdate | 2024-12-20T18:26:39Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9780815735748 |
language | English |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-030803266 |
oclc_num | 1086281897 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-824 DE-12 DE-355 DE-BY-UBR |
owner_facet | DE-824 DE-12 DE-355 DE-BY-UBR |
physical | xx, 234 Seiten |
publishDate | 2019 |
publishDateSearch | 2019 |
publishDateSort | 2019 |
publisher | Brookings Institution Press Chatham House, The Royal Institute of International Affairs |
record_format | marc |
series2 | Insights : critical thinking on international affairs |
spellingShingle | Giles, Keir 1968- Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Weltbild (DE-588)4065352-3 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4065352-3 (DE-588)4076899-5 |
title | Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West |
title_auth | Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West |
title_exact_search | Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West |
title_full | Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West Keir Giles |
title_fullStr | Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West Keir Giles |
title_full_unstemmed | Moscow rules what drives Russia to confront the West Keir Giles |
title_short | Moscow rules |
title_sort | moscow rules what drives russia to confront the west |
title_sub | what drives Russia to confront the West |
topic | Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Weltbild (DE-588)4065352-3 gnd |
topic_facet | Außenpolitik Weltbild Russland |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030803266&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030803266&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT gileskeir moscowruleswhatdrivesrussiatoconfrontthewest |