Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji: sociološka studija
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Beograd
"Čigoja Štampa" [u.a.]
2014
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| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028334147&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028334147&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | PST: One-parent families in Serbia. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Umfang: | 249 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788653100322 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | Smiljka Tomanovič, Milana Ljubičič and Dragan Stanojevič
ONE-PARENT FAMILIES IN SERBIA
A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
(SUMMARY)
The study of one-parent families in Serbia, which is a pioneer
project in our country and the region, was conducted in the period
between October 2010 and February 2011. The main intention of the
research team was to come to representative national data on the
type of family very little known about and with no relevant statistical
data.
We analyzed the daily lives of families with children where the
parents live without a partner. Although the survey method has clear
limitations in terms of grasping range of the variety, depth and under-
standing within the family processes, it was done with the initial in-
tention of lighting a number of issues relevant to one-parent families.
The analysis and interpretation of data are based on a combi-
nation of several theoretical — conceptual frameworks. The broadest
theoretical framework is the theory of structuration, which postulates
that there is a double structuration in the process ֊ an interaction
between structure and action (Giddens, 1977, 1984).
In our study, structures are operationalized through resources:
individual, family and institutional, which are available to parents
themselves, and which are part of the material, cultural and soci-
al capital of one-parent families. The structures are also analyzed
through the values which parents adopted, with the assumption that
they affect their actions - operationalized through strategies and re-
lationships.
The analyses considered the effect of double dynamics: (diffe-
rent) processes of the formation of one-parent families with their
specific impact on their current situation, the context of daily life,
relationships and the like, as intrafamilial dynamics.
Reference frame within which the analysis of family dyna-
mics is put is found in the systemic family theory and therapy. This
228
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
approach starts from the idea of the family as a system composed of
subsystems, which operates within the broader macro-system. The
family is a system which is constantly changing in accordance with
the principle of circular causality. In other words, this would mean
that changes in one part of the macro or subsystem necessarily lead
to changes in the way in which the family has previously functio-
ned. Hence the family dynamics can be described as a process of
more or less permanent modification, which is always more or less
functional / useful for family members and the family as a system.
In our analysis we have described family dynamics by using key
concepts of systems theory. It is about: family hierarchy, i.e. the posi-
tions which members take on the family ladder of power, family roles
of children and parents and communication features. In addition, we
were drawing conclusions on how the families work, on the basis of
respondents’ evaluations of the degree of family cohesiveness, that
is, the emotional closeness among members, and flexibility, which
measures the ways which families use to cope with the (un) expec-
ted changes they are facing.
One of the specific assumptions is being examined in the study,
which comes from the theory of reflexive modernization, is whether
one-parent families can be understood as an individualized choice
of women, as postulated in the described above discourse which
interprets independent parenting as an alternative lifestyle (Beck,
Beck-Gernsheim, 1995; 2002).
The research had several objectives which are presented thro-
ugh the analyses in the study. At the descriptive level, one of the
goals was to shed light on the dynamics - the different stages and
processes of formation of one-parent families. Then, the goal was to
analyze the resources (material, cultural and social) that are at fami-
lies’ disposal. The aim was also to present the context of everyday
life in one-parent families, activities (including leisure time and the
domestic division of labor) relations (with former partner, with the
environment, relations between parents and children), problems and
strategies of dealing with them.
At the explorative level, we are looking for differences betwe-
en families. The causes of these differences are being analyzed. At
one level, all explored dimensions of the total sample are compared
with the results on two-parent families in the survey conducted in
!008 by a team of The Institute for Sociological Research, Faculty of
I
Summary
229
Philosophy (Milič et ai. 2010). At the next level of analysis by com-
paring the three subsamples, we are searching for the differences
between the three types of one-parent families. Examination and
interpretation of social differentiation within each type of one-parent
families through the material status, cultural and social capital, re-
present the special level of analysis.
Assuming that some of the structural features and some pro-
blems are common, and that some relational and interactional cha-
racteristics are different because of the different contexts of their
creation, the study included three types of one-parent families: post-
divorce one-parent families, single mothers’ one-parent families and
families of widowed parents.
Due to the lack of accurate data on the share of certain types of
one-parent families in the population, as well as the inability of their
clear assessment, we decided to use the structure of the sample,
which is giving equal importance to each of them (300 each), which
made a planned sample size of 900 respondents. The realized sam-
ple was slightly lower in number than expected: the total number of
respondents was 855. The distribution of the three sub-samples of
one-parent families is as follows: 328 post-divorce one-parent famili-
es (38.4%), 255 families of widowed parents (29.8%) and unmarried
parents 272 (31.8%) in the sample.
We used a multi-step sample stratified by territorial princi-
ple where the underlying strata are Central Serbia, Vojvodina and
Belgrade and within these two sub-strata were considered - urban
and rural. The principle of selection of respondents was a territori-
al including a combination of system and random. The survey was
conducted in 48 municipalities in Serbia, and took into account the
representative presence of the regions (Belgrade, Central Serbia
and Vojvodina).
Analysis of the social position showed that there were signifi-
cant differences between the types of one-parent families as well as
between them and the two-parent families. Basic characteristics of
one-parent families are that they are worse off in the labor market,
they lower average household income than two-parent families, po-
orer overall financial situation, the higher degree of dependence on
the formal and informal networks of support (but higher degree of
exclusion from those as well), networks of exchange which are more
take than give, more present feeling of loneliness, stressed financial
230
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
needs - both from the institutions and informal networks, and signi-
ficant spending of resources for the welfare of children. Due to the
material and non-material risks members of one-parent families are
exposed to show that they tend to have more health problems.
In the most unenviable position are single mothers. On all
scales by which we measured social status, they usually take the
lowest, while only a few of them take the top positions. They make
the smallest number among the employed, they are more often fi-
nancially dependent, their personal income on average is lower
than other parents, and more often than others they are forced to
live within the extended household. In addition to significantly po-
orer housing ownership situation, household equipment is worse
than others, while only one-third own a car. These mothers have the
worst educational structure and the lowest educational aspirations
for their children. Besides the more common material deprivation
even the social support networks are less developed in this type of
family, thus in circumstances where institutional frames are not func-
tioning at a satisfactory level, parents in these families are often left
to themselves. Considering that the mothers and children have sli-
ghtly more health problems, as compared to other types of families
from the study, we can conclude that the families of single mothers
function under significant risks.
One-parent families of widowed parents are most similar to two-
parent families in terms of provision of material resources (especi-
ally housing). The specificity of this type is that the part of fathers
within the extended household, as well as those living in rural areas
are particularly vulnerable category, as opposed to mothers whom
extended family is a frame for better financial situation. The widowed
are significantly more likely to feel lonely and in need of emotional
support both from formal and informal networks.
One-parent families with divorced parents are financially so-
mewhat better provided and the amount of income is alike two-pa-
rent families, but the size of the property and the property in which
they live makes them materially vulnerable and dependent. They are
better positioned in the labor market than other parents of one-pa-
rent families, since less number of them is unemployed and inactive,
and thus they are better positioned in the occupational structure.
Divorced parents are somewhat less prone to feel lonely, since they
Summary
231
have higher levels of social and cultural capital than others and they
are more active during leisure time.
A special section is dedicated to the analysis of the dynamics
of the process of formation of three types of one-parent families.
The transition to a new family form in all three types takes place in a
strong informal setting from which a lot was expected and received.
Informal networks, especially parental family have proportionally the
greatest importance as a source of support for single mothers, who
in the moment of formation of one-parent families were the youngest,
were at the same time structurally the most vulnerable - thus the
most dependent on the help of the loved ones. This support was not
given without conflict, since some female respondents, their parents’
reaction to their decision to have a baby and raise it alone, experi-
enced as very negative. They, however, expressed a high level of
satisfaction with the support and assistance they received from their
parents and others in an informal environment. Similar situation is
with divorced parents: there are more people who experienced initial
reaction of their parents and relatives as negative, than those who
express dissatisfaction. Widowed parents received help and support
from various stakeholders from the informal environment: parents,
friends, relatives and they are proportionally satisfied with both the
reaction and support of the environment, except for the part of those
with the least education, whose expectations were not met.
Two processes which represent structural and functional disor-
ganization and carry the risk of disintegration - divorce and death of
a spouse / parent directed our subjects more to the help of professi-
onals. The use of formal institutional support at this stage of the life
cycle of one-parent families shows some of stratification differences
concerning education of the respondents. Satisfaction is the least
when it comes to assistance received from the professionals.
The analyses also show that the process of transition in one-
parent family were qualitatively differently burdened with problems
which caused the change in their status, which is associated with
their different contexts of origin. Mothers more than fathers felt the
burden of change, and unmarried mothers had the most problems
related to job or financial status.
Within all three families, education proved to be a characteri-
stic that diversifies the parents the most in the amount and type of
support - informal and formal, the reaction of the environment and
232
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
satisfaction, and it is associated with a variety of household econo-
mic status and social status of the parents. The gender dimension is
proven as relevant to the diversification of parenting in the process
of transition to a one-parent family.
Comparative analysis has shown that the context of everyday
life in one-parent families is more problematic comparing to the con-
text of parenting in families where both parents are living together.
Part of those differences stem from unfavorable social position of
parents in one-parent families while part of the problem stems from
the specific situation related to various processes of one-parent fa-
milies formation, which we covered in the previous chapter.
The problem of material deprivation is connected with the for-
ming of one-parent families, since about half of the respondents in
that period were faced with worsening material situation. This aspect
of everyday life is further complicated by the absence of a systemic
solution of regular payment for child support, problems with the reali-
zation of the right to family pension, rigid conditions and inaccessible
system measures of the financial support to the family as well as
other institutional constraints.
The basic strategy of the parents themselves in resolving finan-
cial distress is extra work, but it is connected with the problem of
reconciling working time and reproductive sphere. Domestic work,
which is a burden that lone parents (especially mothers) carry al-
most by themselves, toghether with child care, which is less shared
with other parent than in two-parent families, naturally causes fati-
gue and feelings of psychological and physical burden. The absen-
ce of the other parent in the various aspects of the daily life of the
family is a significant problem, especially stressed in the families of
widowed parents, where, combined with loneliness and a bad mood,
it creates specific interaction context. The problem with low social
legitimation and related stigma feel especially single mothers, but
some divorced women, as well.
The gender dimension of everyday life with parents who live alo-
ne with their children is also manifested as gender inequality. Such is
the case for example with domestic work and child care, as mothers
are more burdened than fathers, who can count more on the help
and support of the (female) relatives.
Stratification differences in the everyday context of parenting
exist, which indicates that those are associated with the features
Summary
233
of the social status of parents. So, proportionally speaking, families
of single mothers and widowed parents are affected more by mate-
rial deprivation, for their financial and social status is considerably
worse than the position of divorces, and especially than two-parent
families.
One-parent families due to their structural vulnerabilities are
addressed to seek help and support from the environment. Lack of
trust in institutions, which is a general problem in the Serbian soci-
ety, but bad experiences with them as well, which one part of our
respondents had, orient the parents to other (more reliable) sources
of help. Even the analysis of everyday context features shows that,
as in the period of formation of one-parent families, significant help
is expected and received within informal networks - primarily from
respondents’ parents.
A special part of the study presents the analysis of different as-
pects of family dynamics: features of family relationships and roles,
hierarchical (dis)balance, communication between former partners,
parents and children, as well as new partners of our parents-res-
pondents and their children. This extensive analysis of family dyna-
mics was aimed to describe the features of family functioning by
following elements: communication, family relationships, family ro-
les, power, and then, the noticed findings to be understood within
the context of the system family theory. Although the analysis went
for the conditionally called three groups of one-parent families (post-
divorce one-parent families, families of widowed parents and single
mothers’ one-parent families) being compared between each other
in all dimensions of the description, and then with two-parent fami-
lies, it was not done completely, for two main reasons. The first is
extremely reasonable: some aspects of family functioning could not
have been explored neither in the case of the widowed (eg. the cu-
rrent relationship between the other parent and the child / children),
nor in two-parent families. Another reason lies in the fact that it was
not always possible to perform more complex statistical analysis.
Thus, due to the nature of the data we had at our disposal, we reta-
ined ourselves on the descriptive level.
However, based on the available material we were able to give
answers to the research questions that we were being led by in the
analysis. We found that there are many similarities and (unexpec-
ted differences when it comes to the dynamics of one-parent fami-
234
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
lies. Thus, we find that the oldest children in all three groups of fa-
milies, especially those whose parent has died are they
take over the role of an absent parent. As for the second child, they
typically become good children — White Knights, and more often
than older ones, they react to the loss (real or symbolic) by manife-
sting psychosomatic symptoms. These families are similar when it
comes to the features of communication. As a rule, the parent, with
whom the children live, think they are more open in communicating
with them than with the other parent. We notice that in all three types
of one-parent families there are tabooed topics that children cannot
mention to their parents, or the respondents believe that their chil-
dren are too little to discuss those with them. It should be said that
certain issues, such as those of friendship choice, various forms of
risky behaviors or plans for the future, to name just some of them,
children open with various family members, depending on the socio-
economic and educational status of the household. For example,
in families which are positioned low on both of these scales, open
communication between parents and children is missing. If the fa-
mily is highly ranked, the topics will be opened with both parents re-
gardless weather it is a two-parent family or post-divorce one-parent
family.
Without exception, the differences in one-parent families are re-
solved either by some negotiations in which the outcome is uncer-
tain (sometimes capitulate - parents, sometimes children), or by the
parental withdrawal. On the other hand, these strategies will prove
to be far less likely present in two-parent families. Hence we can say
that the parents themselves are significantly more permissive, com-
pared to those respondents who are married. In terms of communi-
cation with the former (unmarried) spouses we notice the similarity
between the divorced and unmarried. It appears that the emotional
process of divorce / break up is completed, even though the divor-
ced respondents deny the presence of conflict, most of the former
spouses do not communicate with each other.
When it comes to the differences, it should be emphasized that
they are evident in the following segments of the family structure
in terms of hierarchical (dis) balance, family ties, powers, dispute
resolving ways and the role of new partners. We find that parents
use different binding strategies for their children, which indicates the
presence of significant hierarchical imbalance. For example, the di-
Summary
235
vorced more often enter into an open coalition with children. They
are also being manipulative by forcing the trust relationship issue.
Their former spouses are being manipulative by supporting the
child/children in inappropriate behavior and involve it/them into the
relationship by demanding loyalty from them. As surrogate partners
of their parents, children of the divorced are now receiving conside-
rable power in the family, as evidenced by the fact that they signi-
ficantly more act on their own - as he/she wants more likely than
children of other participants. In other words, parents do not set the
limits of acceptable behavior, because it would mean they would
lose their allies in a symbolic war with their former partners.
There are grounds for arguing that divorced parents put up the
battle to win the loyalty from children, as well as that emotional and
psychological process of divorce in their case is not finished testify
the following findings: the large number of the divorced is unsatisfied
with the relationship and the role of the other parent in the upbrin-
ging of children. Also, the new partners of the respondents take over
the social role of competent parents whom children learn responsi-
bility and work from. From the latter, one can recognize the role that
the new partners have in family dynamics. The task of the added
parents is an attempt to make an alliance with the children in order
to imbalance potentially present coalition between the child and non-
residental parent. However, the assumption that our subjects put
their new partners, as they have done with their children, between
themselves and those former (triangulated them) so that they could
win the victory in mutual battles, still, in the absence of data, it rema-
ins a matter of speculation.
On the importance of the dynamics in the family also testify the
finding that comparing to the children of other respondents in one
segment, the more powerful ones are those whose one of the pa-
rents had died. Thus, these children often suggest solutions, which
can certainly be linked to their age (the oldest in the sample) and
the fact that they are the more frequently compared to the offspring
of other respondents, are parentified. Hence it is easily understan-
dable finding that, compared with the children of the divorced des-
cendants, those of the widowed significantly less likely act on their
own or make decisions in the family. Therefore, there are reasons
to believe that their family position is different from the position of
children of divorced parents. Unlike the parents of the latter, the wi-
236
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
dowed neither take part in symbolic wars nor require explicit loyalty.
Therefore, the place and role of children in the family hierarchy is
ensured by performing the role of permanently absent parent. This
position may jeopardize only a parent by entering a new emotional
relationship, and hence comes the explanatory finding that the relati-
onship between the offspring of the widowed and their new partners
is mostly distant, in relation to this, children from two-parent families
occupy far weaker position: they rarely make decisions in the family
and propose solutions, and their parents significantly more often set
the limits for acceptable behavior than respondents from one-parent
families. In addition to this, our research shows that in relation to the
latter family, respondents from two-parent families are far more rigid
when it comes to resolving disputes between them and the children.
All the findings considered suggest that in the interpretation of
characteristics of the relational features within the family one must
take into account both the socio-demographic characteristics of fa-
milies and family structure, and the reasons for its so-called defici-
ency. Indicative and useful for this thesis is the role which a child
chooses after losing the other parent (due to divorce, death), signi-
ficantly correlated with whether it lives in one-parent or extended
family. So extraordinary good (the white knights) or so-called bad
kids (black sheep) are significantly more often found in one-parent
families. These children, from a systemic perspective, are making it
easier for the parent whom they live with by behaving in an exem-
plary manner (so for an example their parents can be proud of them)
or behaving inappropriately and thus it occupies and distracts them
from their loss. Our assumption is that within the extended families
far more often other family members deal with a loss, while the chil-
dren, it seems, are protected to some extent.
Finally, we believe that it is necessary to emphasize once again
that our findings do not carry a value connotation that could be attri-
buted to the divorce/iliegitimacy/widowhood as something which in
itself is negative and invariably personally damaging for the children.
Hence, for example, we did not think about divorce in dual catego-
ries of good - bad, i.e. we did not put it in the so-called pathological
framework which differentiates children of the divorced and normal,
well-balanced children. Finally, on account of such concepts in the
contemporary scientific literature a range of criticism is being addre-
ssed. Contemporary studies of the issue of divorce, post-divorce
Summary
237
transition and ways of children adapting to the situation more often
involve looking at these processes from the perspective of children.
It should be recalled that relations between parents and children
in one-parent families represent one of interdependence. In modern
scientific literature this process is attributed a positive sign: children
from the position of dependence win the role as equally important
members of the family involved in problem solving, communication,
and become more responsible.
Our analysis of family functionality demonstrates that the
hypothesis that cohesion and adaptability of the compared famili-
es differ from each other is only partially confirmed. Statistically si-
gnificant differences in the degree of emotional closeness among
the members exist between one-parent and two-parent families.
Contrary to expectations, in structurally complete family, members
are emotionally closer to a significant extent, whereas in the case of
one-parent families, especially families of single mothers’, emotional
distance between members can be noticed.
How can we explain this finding? One possible explanation is
that these mothers more often than other respondents from one-pa-
rent families live in extended households - usually with their parents.
Emotional distance could be seen as a result of coerced situation of
living under the same roof, with the rejection of illegitimate birth of
the daughter.
Hence one can directly conclude that the socially illegitimate
parenthood is significantly stigmatized, which is expected within the
dominant cultural pattern. The extent to which this explanation is
offered stands firmly, we cannot tell, primarily due to the fact that the
comparative sociological overtone framework deficits to one side.
On the other, considering the premise of culturally specific deve-
lopmental and socio-shaped patterns of family functioning, as evi-
denced by few local studies, we tend to argue that there are grounds
for the basic thesis, although it turned out that there is no statistically
significant correlation between family life cycle and the extent of its
cohesiveness.
When it comes to flexibility, there is not such a statistical point of
significant difference between family types. Both one-parent families
and two-parent families are usually structured and flexibly adapta-
ble. An interesting finding is that in all four types of families one can
often face a chaotic rules and roles more than rigid ones.
238
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
Further analysis showed that the cohesiveness and flexibility
are significantly associated with some personal characteristics of
respondents, primarily with a series of frustrations they encounter,
family relational dynamics, and some socio-demographic characte-
ristics of the family. Immediately it should be said that a significant
correlation between these variables and self-evaluated level of co-
hesion and flexibility do not stand for the four observed types of
families.
Thus the divorced respondents significantly more assess cohe-
siveness of their families as distinct if they are in conflict with the ex-
partner, if they feel competent in their parenting role, if the communi-
cation between them and the children is open and conflicts are rare
or absent, and if the family does not have the social capital. Overall,
these findings support the importance which the relational context
and taking family roles have in shaping the emotional closeness.
The finding that parents and children are emotionally closer if
the conflict is missing between them, and if they communicate in an
open, transparent, understandable manner, as well as the one which
talks about the integrative potential of unfinished emotional divorce
of parents. Namely, if the parents have not completed this segment
of divorce, they will to win each other by gaining allies-the children-
in a symbolical war. It seems, however, that in this respect the pa-
rents are far better off - custodians who, according to the findings of
the previous analyses, forming a strong emotional attachment to the
children with whom they live.
Some of the observed findings apply to the widowed. They also
observe members of their families as significantly more emotionally
networked, if the communication between them is open, and con-
flicts are absent. The widowed respondents, who are frequently fa-
cing a series of personal frustrations ranging from financial worries,
fatigue, moodiness and lack of time for themselves, see family si-
tuations in a similar way. Hence, it seems that closeness within the
family helps parents to cope, or maybe - easier to accept and carry
number of frustrations they encounter.
A similar finding applies to single mothers. Those who encoun-
ter a series of upsets, see their family as emotionally networked. We
assume that this finding can be attributed to the vision of the family
as a safe harbor, which provides a refuge from loneliness, poverty,
misunderstanding, fatigue.
Summary
239
The degree of cohesiveness in two-parent families is signifi-
cantly associated with the ability of respondents to rely on their pa-
rents as well as the family social capital. If parents’ help is available
to respondents, they assess their family more often as networked
(seek and receive assistance, which goes hand in hand with emoti-
onal closeness). On the other hand, those who have to rely on their
personal strength believe that their family members know how to
make a (functional) balance between closeness and distance. When
it comes to the social capital, our findings are opposite to those in
the case of divorced parents - respondents. So those, who live in
marriages and whose family social capital is high, see emotional
relationship among the members as networked. Otherwise, they
assess the affinity between members as absent. We suppose that
this could be explained by the fact that the latter more than divorced
(culturally justifiable) have expectations from their loved ones to help
them, and when help is left out, they rely on their own strength and
emotionally distance themselves from the loved ones.
Interesting findings are those concerning flexibility. It is proven
that in the case of divorced the self-flexibility assessment is signifi-
cantly associated with a number of variables that indicate the adap-
tability shaped on the basis of the struggle of conflicting parents
fighting over the loyalty of children, the need for a clear hierarchi-
cal structure (there is no conflict, or the same are solved by 1 the
parents’ withdrawal or their capitulation ) and an external stressors
faced by parents - the respondents (lack of understanding by the
environment) and families (low educational and socioeconomic sta-
tus of the family).
Post-divorce one-parent families are in some respects the most
similar to families of those who are married. So the latter more often
recognize adaptability of their families as rigid if the educational and
social-class position of the family is low, and if the disagreements
between parents and children are settled in the expected way: pa-
rent saying -.”Period . Families of widowed parents find more rigid
those whose families are positioned low on the scale of socioecono-
mic status, as well as those who think they do not need new partner.
Those who are more concerned in this regard, notice in their families
a certain balance between the need for change and one for security.
On the basis of these findings that the flexibility is significantly
related to, singled out the same variables (socioeconomic status,
240
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
in the case of the three types of families, a way of resolving dispu-
tes in two-parent and post-divorce one-parent families, as well as
their educational status), as well as in terms of characteristics of
family dynamics family to each other do not differ significantly, we
are inclined to argue that flexibility is a feature more catchable and
accessible to observation comparing to cohesion. The latter, howe-
ver, escapes clearer observations, leaving space for a number of
conclusions, including those that exceeded the postulates of circular
causality, familiar to us. Surprisingly, in contrast to the one of the
few studies which have been carried out on the non-clinical popula-
tion, lacking correlation between the degree of emotional closeness,
and social-class position of the family, meaning half of the respon-
dents. On the other hand, it is clear that the emotional closeness in
the case of families of our respondents - parents associated with a
number of variables describing family dynamics: power, connection,
communication, and personal frustrations of the respondents.
Finally, it should be said that in the case of cohesion in the case
of the flexibility we have no doubt about the fact that emotional clo-
seness and rigid family rules and roles have a protective role: to
maintain the existing homeostasis.
The findings in our analysis of value orientations in one-pa-
rent families clearly indicate that one group of one-parent families
- families of widowed parents moves to the semi-traditional values,
while the other two: post-divorce and one-parent families of single
mothers, cherish a lot modern value beliefs. For example, widows/
widowers think that marriage is not an obsolete institution, since they
did neither choose their marital situation by their own free will, nor
possible consequences of the same, so the union is being idealized.
Due to presumably negative (out) marriage experience of unmarri-
ed mothers and divorced respondents, assessment of marriage as
an institution lacks significantly. Finally, the assumption that the
existential opportunities are inextricably linked to the value beliefs,
as evidenced by the findings concerning views that the child does
(not) suffer the consequences if its mother worked, and that the care
of the child should be taken by its mother, is in common with most of
the respondents from one-parent families in which, most usually -
the mother takes care of the children.
There are interesting findings regarding gender and value be-
liefs of the respondents. We find that women have more modern
Summary
241
beliefs in terms of the majority of opinions and attitudes. So men do
not consider marriage as an outdated institution and that divorce is
acceptable, if a couple cannot solve the marital ,presuma-
bly because marriage has instrumental value for them.
When it comes to the desirable features they would choose for
their child, all respondents, with the exception of the divorced, prefer
conformist, while the least desirable is self-developing, to be more
precise - intellectual curiosity. We find that the higher the position
of the family in stratification scale, the respondents prefer self-deve-
loping properties, and vice versa. This finding clearly confirms the
thesis on the scarcity as a factor that helps the (un) acceptability of
certain values. Or, in other words, when the family is existentially
threatened there is no room for fostering post-materialist, but only
developing materialistic values.
In conclusion, we have found that discourses on one-parent fa-
milies of the twentieth century: from social deviation and “residue” to
“liberation” of women through emancipatory potential of independent
motherhood, are present also in Serbian society. In rapid moderniza-
tion processes after the socialist revolution, legally and institutionally
the traditionalist attitude towards divorce was abandoned as well
as towards the out-of-wedlock births and one-parent families, who
received (modern) status of the social : they are full of pro-
blems that society needs to deal with.
Such perception is still prevalent in public discourse, common
sense, academic and political, and it is operationalized through spe-
cific policy measures. The results of our study showed that public
opinion has elements of outdated discourse that treats one-parent
families as a social threat, while a parent - typically the mothers, as
responsible — “guilty” for their own life situation.
In different aspects of family life in Serbia, speaking of the con-
tinuum traditional — modern - contemporary (postmodern) - sync-
hronously there are elements of all patterns, which in the structu-
ral, functional, relational and value sense seem as a more or less
conflict matrix of influences (Milic, 2010a). In this context of both
macro and family changes, one-parent families in Serbia need to be
understood, where the process of creation, the context of everyday
actions, relationships and values, as the findings of our study show,
include various elements — from the traditional through modern to
postmodern.
242
Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji
One of the research questions that we were looking an answer
for was whether the one-parent families are reflection of the detradi-
tionalization of family life in Serbia? If individualized decisions about
divorce and out-of-wedlock births of some women respondents we
see as the beginnings of detraditionalization, that can also be indica-
ted by their system of values. Namely, divorced mothers and single
mothers, compared to the widowed and parents who are married,
show more modern beliefs expressed on a scale ranging from tra-
ditional to modern values and they are significantly more supportive
on attitudes concerning obsolescence of the institution of marriage
as well as seeing divorce as an acceptable consequence of unsol-
ved problems in the marriage.
In relation to the structural context we can, on the basis of the
results of our analysis, present several global conclusions. First, the
findings clearly indicate that the one-parent families are structurally
much more vulnerable compared to the two-parent families - their
structural opportunities are smaller, and the limits higher. Second,
one-parent families are not homogeneous units - their heterogeneity
is reflected in the differences between the various types, as well as
the stratification differences within the family type. Third, the analysis
showed the importance of gender parenting even in one-parent fa-
milies: differences between lone mothers and fathers appear as the
source of their unequal status.
SADRŽAJ
Predgovor..........................................................7
Od društvene pretnje do individualizacije:
Jednoroditeljske porodice u savremenom društvu
(Smiljka Tomanović).................................................9
Metodologija istraživanja i opis uzorka
(Dragan Stanojevič)................................................37
Društveni položaj jednoroditeljskih porodica
(Dragan Stanojevič)................................................49
Dinamika nastanka jednoroditeljskih porodica
(Smiljka Tomanović)................................................93
Svakodnevni kontekst roditeljstva
(Smiljka Tomanović) ..............................................107
Odnosi u jednoroditeljskim porodicama
(Milana Ljubičić).................................................121
Funkcionalnost jednoroditeljskih porodica
(Milana Ljubičić).................................................155
Vrijednosne orijentacije jednoroditeljskih porodica
(Milana Ljubičić).................................................175
Izlazak iz senke: Jednoroditeljske porodice u današnjoj Srbiji
(Smiljka Tomanović)...........................................215
Summary...........................................................227
Literatura........................................................243
Beleške o autorima...............,...............................251
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Tomanović, Smiljka 1963- Ljubičić, Milana 1978- Stanojević, Dragan 1978- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)107718008X (DE-588)107718025X (DE-588)1077180322 |
| author_facet | Tomanović, Smiljka 1963- Ljubičić, Milana 1978- Stanojević, Dragan 1978- |
| author_role | aut aut aut |
| author_sort | Tomanović, Smiljka 1963- |
| author_variant | s t st m l ml d s ds |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV042906190 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)928003095 (DE-599)BVBBV042906190 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien |
| id | DE-604.BV042906190 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T17:22:54Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788653100322 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028334147 |
| oclc_num | 928003095 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 249 S. |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | "Čigoja Štampa" [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| spellingShingle | Tomanović, Smiljka 1963- Ljubičić, Milana 1978- Stanojević, Dragan 1978- Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija Familiensoziologie (DE-588)4133736-0 gnd Einelternfamilie (DE-588)4062062-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4133736-0 (DE-588)4062062-1 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija |
| title_alt | One-parent families in Serbia |
| title_auth | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija |
| title_exact_search | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija |
| title_full | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija Smiljka Tomanović ; Milana Ljubičić ; Dragan Stanojević |
| title_fullStr | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija Smiljka Tomanović ; Milana Ljubičić ; Dragan Stanojević |
| title_full_unstemmed | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji sociološka studija Smiljka Tomanović ; Milana Ljubičić ; Dragan Stanojević |
| title_short | Jednoroditeljske porodice u Srbiji |
| title_sort | jednoroditeljske porodice u srbiji socioloska studija |
| title_sub | sociološka studija |
| topic | Familiensoziologie (DE-588)4133736-0 gnd Einelternfamilie (DE-588)4062062-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Familiensoziologie Einelternfamilie Serbien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028334147&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028334147&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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