Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije: (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka)
Gespeichert in:
| Beteilige Person: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Istorijski Inst.
2012
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Posebna izdanja / Istorijski Institut u Beogradu
63 |
| Schlagwörter: | |
| Links: | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027024669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027024669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| Beschreibung: | PST: Secret police of the Principality of Serbia. - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Umfang: | 185 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9788677431013 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1819298604282544128 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | САДРЖАЈ
Увод
I
Почеци службе безбедности у
Србији
Лична власт вожда
Карађорђа
11
Самодржавље кнеза Милоша Обреновића
34
Уставобранител>ска полицијска држава
58
II
Tajna
полиција династије Обреновића
Просвећени
апсолутизам
Михаила
Обреновића
79
Топчидерски
атентат
и криза самодржавног концепта
98
Династичко-политичка
полиција Радивоја Милојковића
117
Државни тероризам у
име
очувања поретка
139
Закључак
159
Summary
165
Спи
сак извора и
литературе
171
Именски регистар
179
SUMMARY
SECRET POLICE OF THE PRINCIPALITY OF SERBIA
(Political violence and administrative strategies in 19lh century Serbia)
It is well known that last monarchs of the Obrenovich dynasty in
Serbia had sophisticated and highly organized secret police service, at the end
of the
19
century. It is less known, however, that their early predecessors
such were Karadjordje Petrovich and Milosh Obrenovich, also had their own
systems of personal security. As crude mechanism of political power,
murderous apparatus of first Serbian rulers and their intelligence networks
could be traced from the early years of 19th century.
Political circumstances, which determined the curse of latter events
in Serbia, made secret police mechanism volatile and potent force in the same
time. Everlasting circles of vanity, betray, envy and cruelty, in the name (or
against) one of two domestic dynasties, made games of the throne in
19
century Serbia quite unpredictable. Lack of authority of the monarch,
combined with incredibly tin dynastic tradition in Serbia, made poor ground
Foundation for creation of any long lasting and stabile political formation. The
emergence and the fall of an absolutistic ideal, seen in the first half of 19th
century, was followed by appearance of the political party machines, which
transformed a very nature of administrative power in Serbia, after year
1868.
Consequently, against all of the support of secretive police and state
security apparatus, Serbian monarchs were exposed to the political dangers
more frequently than it could be expected, from a country of illiterate and
peaceful peasants. Death and treason, expulsion or humiliation of all of the
Serbian monarchs, was most symbolic paradigm of
19.
century. Contrary to
that, absolutistic tendencies of monarchs and harsh policy in dealing with
possible political opposition become second distinctive characteristics of
those times. Dynastic war between two ruling families became one of the
most important soft spots of Serbian state system. Violent political events,
connected with fall of first four Serbian dynasts in years
1813, 1839, 1858.
and
1868,
showed that instability was the only constant element of this
general processes. Sharp
U
turns, were typical outcomes in times of crises.
Those substantial anomalies were inherited from the early days of
creation of modern state in Serbia. In addition, as a political mechanism,
Serbian state grew way to fast, and was reformed and upgraded many times
166
Владимир
Јовлновнћ
too quickly, for its own good. Transition from autocracy to constitutional
model of government, and from constitutionalism to a new party system, went
on in short period of just few decades. Contrary to that and many other
structural weakness of state system in Serbia, secret police as a political weapon
went trough continuous changes and improvements. It was transformed from a
simple battle axe of an each and every ruler, to a sophisticated instrument of
state intelligence, capable to seek and disable political enemy.
Interaction between secret police and state progressed significantly
during the
19*
century. Police state in Serbia, modeled upon continental
European conception of monarchy, was established successfully in the mid of
19
century. Two decades after, with an introduction of political machines and
spoil system, further changes went on. Politicized state affairs and public life,
with its prominent figures
-
intellectuals, journalists, newspaper editors, and
other members of political life, brought the question of free press and public
speech under the spotlight. Political activities of the citizens and their
libertarian ideas were often qualified by the secret police agents as open acts
against dynastic loyalty. In other words, the very idea of liberalism, not to
mention socialism, populism and radicalism, could be understood as threat
against monarchy itself.
Secret police in Serbia was gradually transformed in to a professional
system of political surveillance. Basically, it was using technology against
peoples political believes. On the other hand, secret police methods often
maximized usage of forceful, illegal methods of power, to hurt and disable
political enemy, as well as the enemy of throne and dynasty. In a monarchy,
such Serbia was, this phenomenon was visible from the
Hrst
moment of
formation of state power, in the early 19 1 century. Political evolution of
Serbian state, forced secret police to modernize, urbanize and diversify. The
most important fact, connected with there development of Serbian secret
police, was that it has
endureà a
serious blow in year
1868,
with assassination
of its monarch. In shadow of that unforgivable handicap, it was further
politically reconstructed, to serve as a weapon of state terrorism. If anything,
its methods of work become even more devious and ruthless, justified by
dynastic and political reasons and necessities. In areas of surveillance of
suspicious subjects, by means of illegal censorship and technologies of
occasional torture of political enemy, secret police often tended to overstep
legislative limitations and boundaries.
Systematic suppression of political opposition became the ideological
master plan, unifying all of the secret police activities in Principality of
Serbia. However, inauguration of state security as legitimate system was
never to be materialized and formalized. Not admitting that state and
monarchy could be entangled in such a dishonest activity, its existence was
Tajha
полиција кнежевине Србије
167
strongly denied by any regime in Serbia. That is why all of the secret police
work was kept in utter darkness, until the very end of the 191 1 century. In the
same time, acting under general assumption that great threats lay upon ruling
dynasty, secret police in Serbia doubled its efforts to exterminate the enemy.
Aside of all the deserved critic of the public for its illegal methods
and activities, secret police in Serbia had its right porpoise and reason. It was
true that several potential threats to the monarchy did lurk, from three
politically different sectors of Serbian society. First of those dangers could
came from a massive rural rebellion of dissatisfied, illiterate peasants.
Without firm political leadership, those events were the least trouble of the
regimes, being most improbable and simple to crush. Secondly, monarchy
was endangered from disillusioned and oppressed citizen and young
intellectual. This process was evident largely from the second half of the
19
century. Though enormously fewer than peasants, deprived and pushed on the
edge, citizens were far more dangerous enemies than rural masses. Living in
the same urban community as the monarch, everyday dweller of Belgrade had
more opportunities to harm the ruler, than rural inhabitants ever could.
Opposition through personal activism, journalism and public
speeches of professional politicians, revealed a new kind of enemy.
Toughened and firm, with political and ideological backbone, some citizens
were prepared even to commit murderous political actions against monarchs,
to defend their personal dignity. Those were lawyers and merchants, free
intellectuals and people of profession and character. It wasn t strange that
exactly among those social categories emerged first killers of monarchs in
Serbia. It was also true that those prepared to sacrifice themselves were very
few in numbers, while most of the community wasn t prepared to embrace
political violence and consequent martyrdom.
Third, but most important danger to the throne came from the least
expected place, from very circle of political security of the crown. Political
and financial elite of Serbia, which in theory should be the strongest pillar of
monarchism, in fact represented its weakest point. Professional politicians,
connected closely to the secret police system, oligarchs and other high ranked
official of the regime, instead of shielding the throne, were often those who
organized most successfully overthrows in Serbia. Crisis of monarchism, seen
in the rest of Europe as a general trend after the French revolution, had its
strange and curved path in Serbia too. Oversized political role, made monarch
a true victim of inevitable political reforms that were to come. Ever more
blocked and restricted from power, by the mechanisms of political life and
constitutional limitations, Serbian monarch still remained the main target of
general anger and dissatisfaction, even if playing a second role in many
political processes.
168
Владимир
Јовановић
Cutting in both directions, and being a double-edged axe in hands of
monarch or political elite, secret police was growing with a steady paste.
From legendary exclusive power of the autocrats, as Karadjordje and Milosh
were, to state security apparatus of secretive police per
se.
Main
transformation from personal to state security system, came after death of
Prince Michailo Obrenovich. Following constitutionai changes made next
year, Serbian state and political power was reshaped quite differently than
before. Under a double loyalty, to the dynasty and to the political machine of
the regime, political police came to be highly useful in a new world of shifting
public opinion, formed in Serbia in last quarter of
1
9th century.
Agents of Serbian secret police were growing in numbers, focusing
on a new battle ground over a mind of common subjects. Trying to snatch
a soul of young intellectual, as a messenger of new political doctrines, fierce
battle of regime against political enemy was in progress. In a country of
88%
of illiterate peasants, it was important to control less than a
12%
of the total
urban population, those who were suspicious enough. Only those individuals,
who were almost completely excluded from political turmoil s and activities
of the time, were not the targets of numerous police agents.
Using large scale of political instruments, trough a system of secret
police activities, regime was capable to discover, suppress or to remove most
of its enemies. Rarely physically but more often by disgracing him, shaming
his face in public and putting him on a politically motivated trial, regime
would eliminate most of its opponents. Threat, spoken with a soft voice, had
much more result than everlasting sound of flogging, used against political
enemy in the past. From time to time, however, political violence, mutiny and
sedition, provoked serious outbursts of reaction from the state. It was usually
masked in a form of state organized secret police examinations with massive
usage of torture, while in several special cases even
extrajudicial
killings were
practiced. Introduction of the martial law system, with enlarged discretion
power of the state, enabled simpliest but rather efficient techniques in
elimination of the oposition.
Different and original methods of destroying the enemy of the state
and dynasty were practiced, during 19 1 century. Brute force, more often was
replaced by more sophisticated apparatus of exclusion. Generally, it was
enough to hurt ones professional career or to take profitable business
opportunity from him, to silence the opposition. However, biological and
even chemical weapons were applied in a most ingenious fashion, when it
was absolutely necessary to hurt the very chiefs of opposition. Several
prominent resistance leaders dyed from poison, soon after their
imprisonment, while others succumb to tuberculosis in dark and soaked
prisons cells.
Tajha
полицијл кнежевине Сркије
169
Secret police
of the Principality of Serbia was quite capable to search,
find and destroy its political targets. Combining numerous soft and hard
approaches against political opposition, secret police become a serious and
respectable force. Driven by immediate political interests of party leaders,
and by the absence of political morality, it was capable to protect even the
most unpopular regimes, to a certain point. Secret police had also become a
useful tool of capitalist state and ideology, its main shield and protector.
Secret war against all of the leftist social ideologies, such were radicalism,
socialism and communism, will be the next important test for secret political
police in Kingdom of Serbia.
Illegal police activities in the name of dynasty, state and nation, were
strongly influencing political subculture in Serbia, giving it a taste of bloody
and rather violent process. Narrowing a field of political discourse to a
confrontation and inevitable punishment, instead to a dialogue, it made a path
for rational and peaceful thought feeble and weak. Clear choice was given to
the subject, to obey and not to question the actions of the political elite, or to
suffer the consequences of political activism and resistance. Gradual
radicalization and establishment of constant spiral of violence
-
from state to
individual subject and back again, from oppressed individual to a regime, was
a general trend to be seen in Kingdom of Serbia, in decades to follow.
|
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| author | Jovanović, Vladimir |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041579385 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)852640286 (DE-599)BVBBV041579385 |
| era | Geschichte 1800-1900 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1800-1900 |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV041579385 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T16:49:45Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788677431013 |
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| physical | 185 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
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| publisher | Istorijski Inst. |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Istorijski Institut u Beogradu |
| spellingShingle | Jovanović, Vladimir Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) Politische Polizei (DE-588)4137557-9 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Gewalt (DE-588)4020832-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4137557-9 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)4020832-1 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) |
| title_alt | Secret police of the Principality of Serbia |
| title_auth | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) |
| title_exact_search | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) |
| title_full | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) Vladimir Jovianović. Urednik Srđan Rudić |
| title_fullStr | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) Vladimir Jovianović. Urednik Srđan Rudić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) Vladimir Jovianović. Urednik Srđan Rudić |
| title_short | Tajna policija Kneževine Srbije |
| title_sort | tajna policija knezevine srbije politicko nasilje i upravljacke strategije u srbiji 19 veka |
| title_sub | (političko nasilje i upravljačke strategije u Srbiji 19. veka) |
| topic | Politische Polizei (DE-588)4137557-9 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Gewalt (DE-588)4020832-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Politische Polizei Politik Gewalt Serbien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027024669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027024669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000017201 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT jovanovicvladimir tajnapolicijaknezevinesrbijepolitickonasiljeiupravljackestrategijeusrbiji19veka AT rudicsrđan tajnapolicijaknezevinesrbijepolitickonasiljeiupravljackestrategijeusrbiji19veka AT jovanovicvladimir secretpoliceoftheprincipalityofserbia AT rudicsrđan secretpoliceoftheprincipalityofserbia |